HIS ORIGINAL PURPOSE WAS TO TAKE MR. LINCOLN A PRISONER.--HIS REASONS 
			FOR HIS ACTION.
			
			WE have just received the following letter, written by John Wilkes 
			Booth, and placed by him in the hands of his brother-in-law, J. S. 
			Clarke. 
			It was written by him in November last, and left with J. S. Clarke 
			in a 
			sealed envelope, and addressed to himself, in his own handwriting. 
			In 
			the same envelope were some United States bonds and oil stocks. This 
			letter was opened by Mr. Clarke for the first time on Monday last, 
			and 
			immediately handed by him to Marshall Milward, who has kindly placed 
			it in our hands. Most unmistakably it proves that he must for many 
			months have contemplated seizing the person of late President. It 
			is, 
			however, doubtful whether he imagined the black deed which has 
			plunged the nation into the deepest gloom, and at the same time awakened it to a just and righteous indignation:--
			
			-----, -----, 1864.
			
			MY DEAR SIR:--YOU may use this as you think best. But as some 
			may wish to know when, who, 
			and why, and as I 
			do not know how to 
			direct it, I give it (in the words of your master):--
			
				"To whom it may concern."
				Right or wrong, God judge me, not man. For be 
				my motive good or 
				bad, of one thing I am sure, the lasting condemnation of the 
				North.
				I love peace more than life. Have loved the 
				Union beyond expression. 
				For four years have I waited, hoped, and prayed for the dark 
				clouds to 
				break, and for a restoration of our former sunshine. To wait 
				longer 
				would be a crime. All hope for peace is dead. My prayers have 
				proved 
				as idle as my hopes. God's will be done. I go to see and share 
				the bit				ter end.
				I have ever held that the South were right. The 
				very nomination of 
				Abraham Lincoln, four years ago, spoke plainly war--war upon 
				Southern 
				rights and institutions. His election proved it. "Await an evert 
				act." 
				Yes; till you are bound and plundered. What folly! The South 
				were 
				wise. Who thinks of argument or patience when the finger of his 
				enemy 
				presses on the trigger? In a foreign 
				war, I, too, could say, "Country, 
				right or wrong." But in a struggle such 
				as ours (where 
				the brother tries 
				to pierce the brother's heart), for God's sake choose the right. 
				When a 
				country like this spurns justice from 
				her side, she forfeits the allegiance 
				of every honest freeman, and should leave him, untrammelled by 
				any 
				fealty soever, to act as his conscience may approve.
				"People of the North, to hate tyranny, to love 
				liberty and justice, to 
				strike at wrong and oppression, was the teaching of our fathers. 
				The 
				study of our early history will not let me forget it, and may it 
				never.
				This country was formed for the white, 
				not for the black man. And, 
				looking upon African 
				slavery from the 
				same stand-point held by the noble 
				framers of our Constitution, I, for one, have ever considered it 
				one of the 
				greatest blessings (both for themselves and us) that God ever 
				bestowed 
				upon a favored nation. Witness heretofore our wealth and power; 
				witness their elevation and enlightenment above their race 
				elsewhere. I 
				have lived among it most of my life, and have seen less harsh 
				treatment 
				from master to man than I have behold in the North from father 
				to son. 
				Yet, Heaven knows, no 
				one would be more 
				willing to do more for 
				the 
				negro race than I, could I but see a way to still 
				better their condition.
				But Lincoln's policy is only preparing the way 
				for their total annihilation. The South are 
				not, nor have they been, fighting for 
				the continuance 
				of slavery. The first battle of Bull Run did away with that 
				idea. Their 
				causes since for war have 
				been as noble and greater 
				far than those that 
				urged our fathers on. Even should 
				we allow they were wrong at the 
				beginning of this contest, cruelty 
				and injustice have 
				made the wrong be				come the right, 
				and they stand now (before 
				the wonder and admiration 
				of the world) as a noble band of patriotic heroes. Hereafter, 
				reading of 
				their deeds, Thermopylæ will be forgotten.
				When I aided in the capture and execution of 
				John Brown (who was a 
				murderer on our western border, and who was fairly tried and convicted, 
				before an impartial judge and jury, of treason, and who, 
				by-the-way, has 
				since been made a god), I was proud of my little share in the 
				transaction, 
				for I deemed it my duty, and that I was helping our common 
				country to perform an act of justice. But what was a crime in 
				poor John Brown is 
				now considered (by themselves) as the greatest and only virtue 
				of the 
				whole Republican party. Strange transmigration! Vice to 
				become a 
				virtue simply 
				because more indulge 
				in it!
				
				I thought then, as now, that the abolitionists were 
				the only traitors in 
				the land, and that the entire party deserved the same fate as 
				poor old 
				Brown; not because they wish to abolish slavery, but on account 
				of the 
				means they have ever endeavored to use to effect that abolition. 
				If 
				Brown were living, I doubt whether he himself would 
				set slavery against 
				the Union. Most, or many in the North do, and openly, curse the 
				Union 
				if the South are to return and retain a single 
				right guaranteed 
				to them by 
				every tie which we once revered 
				as sacred. The South can make no 
				choice. It is either extermination or slavery for themselves (worse 
				than 
				death) to draw from. I know my choice.
				
				I have also studied hard to discover upon what grounds the right 
				of a 
				State to secede has been denied, when our very name, United 
				States, 
				and the Declaration of Independence, both provide 
				for secession. But 
				there is no time for words. I write in haste. I know how foolish 
				I shall 
				be deemed for undertaking such a step as this, where, on the one 
				side, I 
				have many friends and every thing to make me happy, where my 
				profession alone has 
				gained me an income of more 
				than twenty 
				thousand dollars 
				a year, and where my great personal ambition in my profession 
				has such 
				a great field for labor. On the other hand, the South has never 
				bestowed 
				upon me one kind word; a place now where I have no friends, 
				except 
				beneath the sod; a place where I must either become a private 
				soldier 
				or a beggar. To give up all of the former for 
				the latter, 
				besides my 
				mother and sisters, whom I love so dearly (although they so 
				widely differ 
				with me in opinion), seems insane; but God is my judge. I love justice 
				more than I do a country that disowns it; more than fame and 
				wealth; 
				more (Heaven pardon me if wrong), more than a happy home. I have 
				never been upon a battle-field; but oh! my countrymen, could you 
				all 
				but see the reality or 
				effects of this horrid war as I have seen them (in 
				every State, save Virginia), I know you would think like 
				me, and would 
				pray the Almighty to create in the Northern mind a sense of right and 
				justice (even 
				should it possess no seasoning of mercy), and that he would 
				dry up this sea of blood between us, which is daily growing 
				wider. 
				Alas! poor country, is she to meet her threatened doom? Four 
				years 
				ago I would have given a thousand lives to see her remain (as I 
				had 
				always known her) powerful and unbroken. And even now I would 
				hold my life as naught to see her what she was. Oh! my friends, 
				if the 
				fearful scenes of the past four years had never been enacted, or 
				if what 
				has been had been but a frightful dream, from which we could now 
				awake, with what overflowing hearts could we bless our God and 
				pray 
				for his continued favor! How I have loved the old 
				flag can never 
				now be 
				known. A few years since, and the entire world could boast of none so 
				pure and spotless. But I have of late been seeing and hearing of 
				the 
				bloody deeds of 
				which she has been 
				made the emblem, and would shudder 
				to think how changed she had grown. Oh I how I have longed to 
				see 
				her break from the mist of blood and death that circles round 
				her folds, 
				spoiling her beauty and tarnishing her honor. But no, day by day 
				has she 
				been dragged deeper and deeper into cruelty and oppression, till 
				now (in 
				may eyes) her once bright red stripes look like bloody 
				gashes on the 
				face 
				of heaven. I look now upon my early admiration of her glories as 
				a 
				dream. My love (as things stand to-day) is for the South alone. 
				Nor do 
				I deem it a dishonor in attempting to make for her a prisoner of 
				this 
				man, to whom she owes so much of misery. If success attend me, I 
				go penniless to her side. They say she has found that "last 
				ditch" which 
				the North have so long derided and been endeavoring to force her 
				in, forgetting they are our brothers, and that it is impolitic 
				to goad an 
				enemy to madness. Should I reach her in safety, and find it 
				true, I will 
				proudly be permission to triumph or die in that same "ditch" by 
				her 
				side.
				
				A Confederate doing duty upon his own responsibility.
				
				J. WILKES BOOTH.