1. Reaction to Appointment
2. Beginnings of His Work
3. Revival with Dr. Redfield
4. Convention at Buffalo
5. Conference Religion Attacked and Defended
6. Free Seats Advocated
7. Missionary Interest
8. Slavery Injected Into the Picture .
9. Summary of Year at Buffalo

1. Conference Problems
2. Reception at the New Church
3. Attitudes and Beginnings In Brockport
4. Evaluation of First Year at Brockport
5. Conference Matters

1. The Growing Partisan Feeling
2. The Nazarites

1. State of Party Feeling
2. Roberts Aware of Opposition
3. Bergen Camp Meeting Difficulties
4. Conference Matters

Niagara Street Church, Buffalo, was the oldest Methodist Episcopal Church in the city.[1] This church had come a long distance from the days of Loring Grant whose charge had included "all the present Genesee Conference, and nearly all the Erie Conference; all of western New York from the Genesee River; one county in Pennsylvania (Erie) and all below Cleveland in the state of Ohio."[2] Buffalo had been previously known in Methodist records as New Amsterdam, and one of the first active pastors there had been James Gilmore.

Concerning the building of the church, George Peck related:

"This was the first church erected in the Holland Purchase; and when it was dedicated, and was known to be a fixed fact, it was a matter of universal astonishment."[3]

When B. T. Roberts was sent there as pastor in September of 1852, it was a well established city church, at that time a fine appointment for a young man only past his twenty-ninth birthday, but one fraught with grave difficulties for his future years.

1. Reaction to Appointment

Strange as it may seem, the young preacher, stepped up to the central appointment of the district, had not wanted to be moved there. Mr. Roberts wrote:

At this church we were stationed the fifth year of our ministry. It was the only appointment made for us with which we ever tried to interfere. We felt deeply our lack of ability, experience and grace, to fill so important a position. We entreated the Bishop not to send us there. But when we were sent, we resolved to do our duty faithfully.[4]

When Mr. Roberts went to Buffalo, he left his wife with their sick child at Gowanda until such time as the cholera, which was raging in Buffalo, should subside. He wrote to his wife in the beginning of his ministry there a note of encouragement: "I dreaded coming here but I am glad now that I am sent to this people. I believe the Lord will use me for their good."[5] His optimism had evidently grown out of divine help, for he felt the Lord had helped him very much in preaching. His letter continued, "I feel as if our Heavenly Father would make me useful to this people. I am expecting an outpouring of the Spirit. God is willing to grant it. The people desire it."[6] He had prayed that he might prepare the way of the Lord, and have a deeper baptism of the Spirit than he had ever before enjoyed. The confession of his own need led him to question his wife. He asked:

How, darling, do you enjoy yourself now? Have you received any special spiritual blessings of late? You will need much grace to meet the duties that await you. You will have a wider field of usefulness than you have ever had before . . . . But I have no fears on your account. If you will only have better health, you will, I do not doubt, enjoy yourself much, and fully meet the high expectations.[7]

This letter brought a response in humility on the part of his wife. She 'wrote him in reply that she knew how true was the remark in his last excellent letter that she would need much grace to meet the duties that awaited her. She deplored the fact that she came far short of being "what a minister's wife should be,"[8] and expressed her desire to improve, though she could not see that she did in the least; yet, she added, "Surely religion can make me more useful. if I only had more."[9] It is no wonder his letter brought this and a further reply from his wife, who was trembling in the balance of her own deficiency, brought on, no doubt, by his insistent question about her spiritual qualification. She added, "I dread somewhat, yes a great deal, going to Buffalo, and should even more if I had not just such a husband as I have to lean upon."[10]

Practical questions needed to be settled in the move, for evidently the people of the Niagara Street Church had not furnished a parsonage for their pastor. It appears that pastors had not moved their families to Niagara Street in the past. She wanted information from her husband where she would stop when she made the trip to her new home, or as she put it, "when I come to Buffalo, if I ever do,"[11] and wondered if the stage coach would take her where she wished to go. Mr. Roberts, in going on ahead to make preparations for his wife's coming, was not left without some specific instructions. "Dearest, if you get a cook stove do not get a high-priced one, nor a very large one. And you will not buy anything we can do without. I care not how plain and scantily our house is furnished."[12] Finally George Worthington moved the belongings of the young minister from Rushford to Buffalo by team, and after quite a period of waiting, the Roberts family at length were able to settle in the new pastorate.

2. Beginnings of His Work

Mr. Roberts' optimism at the beginning of his pastorate in Buffalo was not without an estimate of the low spiritual state of the people. He wrote to his father that things were beginning to assume a much more favorable appearance from the standpoint of interest, as evidenced in the increasing congregation, but added, "You have no idea of the low state of Methodism in this city. Nothing but the power of the Lord can save us."[13] In reviewing this situation in The Earnest Christian of 1865, he portrayed the congregation as run down, the state of spirituality low, and the people greatly discouraged. He admitted there was a strong temptation on his part to lower the standard, but testified that God kept him from compromising.[14]

3. Revival with Redfield

By November it was determined that Dr. Redfield, who had stirred Middletown while Roberts was attending Wesleyan University, was to assist Roberts in revival services in Buffalo. Dr. Redfield, one of the prominent revivalists of his day, wrote to Mr. Hicks at Syracuse of his contemplated visit:

You may well judge that it will take some large degree of redemption power to raise from the dead an old carcass frozen up for more than twenty years. But it begins to heave and groan in many places. Probably more than, twenty have been converted and reclaimed which in my Opinion 18 equal to one hundred in Syracuse. Brother Wallace and myself will go Saturday or Tuesday to Painted Post where we hope that Zenas the Lawyer (The Rev. Fay Purdy) will meet or follow us and not run again. (Bro. Purdy as usual ran away soon after my arrival), and from that place we expect to go to Buffalo.[15]

Dr. Redfield arrived in due time. Years later, Mr. Roberts summarized the effects of that meeting stating that Dr. Redfield had been there several weeks and had 'aroused great interest in the community, but had met with unexpected opposition from ministers occupying a high official position in the church, and the extent of the progress of the revival had been stayed.[16] Mr. Roberts further commented that there came a quickening of the membership of the church at that time, and that many sinners were converted. But, he added:

A few, less than half a dozen, composed of secret society men, and one or two proud women, encouraged by a former, secret society pastor, held out and opposed the work.[17]

In his Journal of January 28th, Roberts told who some of these opponents were, specifying Mr. Robie, Editor of the Buffalo Christian Advocate, Thomas Carlton who had recently become head of the Methodist Book Concern, and Mr. Fuller, who with Canton, became prosecutors of Roberts in his trial in 1858. Mr. Roberts claimed that they had defeated the effort made for the salvation of souls, and so prejudiced the people against Dr. Redfield that the church did not even offer to pay his expenses.

4. Convention at Buffalo

The General Anniversary of the Missionary Society of the M. E. Church was held in Buffalo at the Niagara Street Church, at a date which overlapped, in part, the date of the revival services held by Dr. Redfield. This would probably not have been done by a more experienced pastor. Possibly the difficulties that arose from this situation might have been avoided at that time if this conflict in date had not occurred. Bishop Janes, Abel Stevens, and John Price Durbin were among those present for the Anniversary occasion. One of those who preached was Dr. John Price Durbin, a leading light of those days, whom Dr. John A. Roche believed to illustrate more forcibly than any man he had known the greatest number of principles of homiletics and sacred oratory.[18] Roberts was evidently not so deeply impressed, at least with that particular sermon, for in his Journal for January 23rd he wrote, "Dr. Durbin preached this morning from John 4:35 a clear intellectual discourse, wanting in spirituality and life."[19] Bishop Edmund S. Janes, whose service as bishop of the Methodist Episcopal Church comprehended a generation, and whose "flute-like voice made upon the hearer a peculiar impression"[20] also preached. Roberts could have said as the bishop did when he died, "I am not disappointed."[21] Roberts characterized his discourse from Acts 9:31 as "rich in instruction and spiritual life."[22] Above all, Roberts believed that the efforts made for the raising of money during this period in which "the aid of eloquence, and wit, and personal and church rivalry was invoked"[23] dissipated the conviction that had been resting upon the people, and that when the revival meetings were resumed at the close of the Missionary Convention, they "found the wheels of the car of salvation were effectually blocked."[24]

Perhaps a more important part of the Convention, from the standpoint of this narrative, is the entry Roberts made in his Journal that on that very day, January 23rd, some of the brethren, three of whom he specifically named, came out in opposition to him. One thought the standard of religion too high; a second objected to measures used, and a third believed that "we should grow up into holiness."[25] Roberts attributed this open opposition to the effect of the influence of certain of the visiting ministers who were attending the Missionary Convention. Whether this judgment be correct or not, it does seem certain that this revival meeting with Redfield, with the opposition that developed, was probably a key to some of the situations in the future.

Dr. Redfield left Buffalo and the responsibility for the meeting fell upon the shoulders of the young pastor. He asserted that some who had opposed the meetings began to make amends by trying to support the meeting, but without acknowledging their wrong. He believed the Lord did not bless them, and recorded for the night of January 29th, "a poor meeting."[26] The next day he tried some very close preaching, telling them, in the words of James that "whosoever shall keep the whole law, and yet offend in one point, he is guilty of all."[27] A "good time" in society meeting was followed by "quite a flare up."[28] Mr. Roberts recorded that attempts were made in that meeting to compose quarrels among the members but matters were only made worse. Those who had hindered the revival, he charged, began to hunt up pretexts, and repeated everything that he had said which was capable of misconstruction. The whole had a paralyzing effect upon him and he acknowledged that he felt so bad about the failure of the meeting that it was difficult for him to do anything. He even soliloquized gloomily, "It seems as if Satan was about to hold undisputed sway here."[29]

While Roberts had run up against some snags in his revival services, a "glorious revival"[30] had been held in the St. John's Church in the city, an account of which was printed in the Buffalo Christian Advocate. "There is," stated this local Journal

a glorious revival in and around its walls once more. From thirty to forty are at the altar for prayers every night and still the interest increases. We have prayer meetings in the afternoon at the private houses, which are owned and blessed of the Lord. A few days since, at one of these, a German expressed his feelings somewhat as follows: 'My bredren, sometimes I tink I got him, and den I tink I no got him; but I get him soon, I tink.' It would have done your heart good to have been there. You would have seen the old grey headed sinner pleading for mercy; the backslider at the foot of the cross pleading for mercy, saying, 'Save, Lord, or I perish.[31]

But a revival in some other church did not satisfy Roberts with reference to his own church. He recalled that they had formerly enjoyed powerful revivals of religion, and a few years before his pastorate, under the labors of the Rev. Eleazer Thomas, the standard of holiness had been raised, and many of the members had entered into the enjoyment of this blessing. But for a few years immediately preceding his labors there, a different tone of piety had been inculcated. Few of the members at the time of his pastorate made a definite profession of holiness, and he thought a system of "worldly policy" had been partially inaugurated.[32]

5. Conference Religion Attacked and Defended

Perhaps the failure of the Buffalo revival effort accentuated in Mr. Roberts a sense of spiritual lack, not only in the Niagara Street Church, but came to include the Conference also. On February eleventh, he had written an article, an original copy of which has been preserved among the papers and letters of the Roberts family. On the outside of this folded copy are written the words, "Sent to N. A. Feb. 11. 1853."' The article was published in the February 16, 1853 [33] issue of the Northern Advocate. On February 20th, he wrote in his Journal, "Finished and sent my second article to the Northern Independent on the state of the Conference. My first called forth some sneering remarks in the Buffalo Advocate."[34] Those two articles were the first publications which brought the young pastor into conflict with his ministerial brethren.

The gist of that article is necessary in order to understand clearly the developing situation. After detailing the rapidly increasing wealth of the region in which "splendid mansions. elegantly furnished, reared their proud fronts" where but a few years before "stood the humble log house of the hardy pioneer," and speaking of the change from "the fierce howlings of the wolf" to the "iron horse" which bounded along with his chariot over fertile meadows,[35] Mr. Roberts referred to the high ground which the Genesee Conference had taken in its financial matters, the good parsonages, the splendid school at Lima, which he rated second to none in the Union. This commendatory approach, however, was followed by an attempt to show that they were failing in the very object for which the ministry was instituted. He quoted figures from the minutes indicating a loss of 1,139 members in the ten years previous, although if they had but grown with the population, a 25 per cent increase, they would have shown a total of 15,541 members instead of 11,312 members and probationers, or a relative loss of 4,269 if they had maintained their ground. He then pressed upon his readers the thought that even this gain would not have comprehended their duty, since Christianity is aggressive and every disciple of Christ is bound to gather with Him. He then drew the conclusion that this declension was to be taken as evidence that their spiritual condition was not very good, and that there was a great lack of the power, and even of the form of godliness. He then specifically judged that not one half of the members enjoyed justifying grace, that the Discipline was a dead letter, and that Biblical injunctions against fashionable sins and "duties irksome to the carnal heart"[36] had been virtually repealed, and that a tide of worldliness was threatening to sweep away the boundaries between the Church and the world After promoting to continue his theme, he closed by stating "I would naught exaggerate naught extenuate and set down naught in malice.[37]

This article did not please at least one man in the Conference and one may suppose the majority in the light of future events R. L. Waite, a minister of the Genesee Conference answered the article published February 16th. and stated his regret that Mr. Roberts should have felt himself called upon to give publicity to the sentiments expressed in that paper. passing as his judgment that it would injure both him and the people of the church injure him, by increasing the morbid state of his mind, and creating prejudice against him; and injure others by inducing the belief that the ministry did not appreciate the efforts and sacrifices of the people in the cause of God, and by putting into the hands of their adversaries a weapon which they would not fail to use against them. That already Mr. Roberts had created some prejudice against himself is indicated by the tone of Mr. Waite 5 following words:

It is, however, matter of gratitude that amid the general defection, there is one true man remaining one true amid many false' who, 'having no fear but the fear of God before his eyes, dares to reprove the general apathy and like Luther and Wesley, strives to awaken the slumbering church.[38]

Mr. Waite then proceeded to show that the Millerite excitement, discovery of gold in California, the railroad boom which brought in a large Catholic element, might create conditions so that in a particular locality the population "might outrun the church for a time."[39] He then continued to counter what Mr. Roberts affirmed that the discipline was a dead letter, that the Bible, when it forbids fashionable vices, was virtually repealed and that in many, perhaps most of our charges, probably not one half of our members enjoy justifying grace. He then asked this question, "How does Br. Roberts know this? What have been his opportunities for forming an intelligent opinion concerning the spiritual condition of the ninety circuits and stations within our bounds?"[40] He then classified Mr. Roberts as a junior preacher, having been connected with the Conference a little more than four years, and he supposed that he must have itinerated widely in that time, for his article inferred that he must be acquainted with "most of the charges."[41] He concluded, "How preposterous, then to indulge in these wholesale denunciations of the Church, concerning whose condition he knows so little."[42] After a paragraph in which Mr. Waite endeavored to show that Mr. Roberts, in admitting the material increases, disproved his assumptions, he addressed the editor of the paper thus: "The truth is, Bro. Hosmer, this hue and cry about declension and apostasy is all moonshine. The Genesee Conference is sound to the core."[43] Some weight may be given to Roberts' arguments, however, from statistical statements of C. C. Goss, showing that while the Genesee Conference was declining numerically, the Methodist Episcopal Church in the North was actually increasing in numbers, with the secession of the M. E. Church South in 1845 being taken into consideration.[44] It may be that Roberts' judgments were somewhat weighted with his Buffalo revival disappointment, and that R. L. Waite's classification of Genesee as the "Banner Conference in several respects"[45] was a statement of passionate Conference loyalty directed against a "young upstart."

Enough has been given to show that a war was on in the Methodist press. The second article of Mr. Roberts answered the objection of undue increase during the Millerite delusion, with the result of a consequent falling away, by quoting a statement of Dr. Bangs in The Prospects of the M. E. Church to the effect "that about the same proportion of those received during that excitement have stood fast, as is usual among the probationers we receive."[46] He then proceeded to assert that the true reason of the decline in the Conference was "the want of personal holiness in the ministry"[47] and stated that because the ministers did not find the experience of holiness the flock also failed to follow. The church, he declared, had been down where worldly weapons had reached her and wounded her sore. Splendid houses, parties of pleasure, ornaments of gold, and costly apparel, had been offered her, and the offer had been accepted. Her sons and daughters had fallen by the hand of the destroyer. Accredited ambassadors of Him who enjoined self-denial upon all his followers, had assured their members that "they need not give up any of the elegancies of life,"[48] even to aid in carrying on that mighty work of the redemption of the world. After drawing a parallel of Hannibal's destruction through ease, when, by vigorous discipline, success could have been his, he closed his article with a specific charge laid at the feet of the ministry, in the following words:

So we as ministers have allowed the church to rest in winter quarters amid the blandishments of ease, when we should have sounded the clarion and led her on to battle and to triumph. Desertions have been frequent. A love of ease has become prevalent. Only a very few are willing to perform the stern duties of a soldier of Christ. We have been enjoying the spoils before the campaign was ended. We have been raising monuments to the victories of our fathers when we should have been achieving still greater conquests. For this my brethren we are responsible. With a deeper experience ourselves, our example would have told with greater effect, our words would have been accompanied with greater power, and God would have worked mightily by us.[49]

In June of 1853, Mrs. Lane wrote to Mrs. Roberts: "I see that Mr. Roberts is assailed on the right, and left, for his plain truth. I think it is wise in him to be silent."[50] She called attention to the fact that some of his articles had been republished in the Western Advocate with approbation, but reminded the Roberts that "plain dealing is so out of fashion in these days of improvement that people will not bear it. The church is too much like the world to bear it,"[51] and then uttered an ejaculatory prayer that the Lord might have mercy on the church.

Some felt called on to defend Mr. Roberts. The Rev. J. H. Wallace, a minister of the Genesee Conference, wrote in the Northern Christian Advocate that he would stand by the truth. He declared that he knew such facts existed, and that he would not lie for the honor of the M. E. Church, nor to escape the prejudice and hate of all men. He expressed a hope to share in all the castigations to which Roberts was doomed for his faithful warnings, and protested that though his locks were gray, and his vigor broken, his courage for God and truth was unfaltering.[52]

There seems to be some evidence that certain conditions not in harmony with the teachings of Methodism did exist. An article under title of "Professing Christians Dancing" had been published the preceding year in the Buffalo Christian Advocate. The writer declared that many of their excellent church members in Buffalo had adopted a new method to serve God and promote religion. Instead of praying and watching over their outward conduct, they had caught the spirit of the theater and the ball room, and had gone to dancing. "And why not dance? say they. And why not? we answer. Your pleasure seeking soul and worldly heart are adapted to it. What business has your minister to interfere with your frolics? They do not. Some of them dare not!"[53]

Mrs. George Lane wrote in July of 1853 that she felt no sort of fellowship with Buffalo Methodists and certified that when she went to church there, she felt like shaking off the dust of her feet and turning away from them, "as old Father Moore used to say, 'There was not a breath of prayers seemed to come from the hearts or mouths of any of them!' "[54]She judged them thus because of their manner of sitting up during prayer and looking around in every direction, and justified her conclusions thus: "I of course made my observations and formed conclusions about them as I do in most places. I try always to find out what manner of spirit the people are of with whom I mingle."[55]

However, there was a note of optimism sounded by Mr. Stiles, pastor of the Pearl Street M. E. Church in Buffalo, about the time of the beginning of these difficulties. At that time, speaking from the text, "Watchman, what of the night?"[56] he discoursed about the wonderful influence of Christianity in the world. Mr. Robie, Editor of the Buffalo Christian Advocate, reported that he had listened to a discourse of "happy and earnest delivery,"[57] from the Rev. Mr. Stiles, pastor of the Pearl Street M. E. Church. Mr. Stiles had not yet been projected into the midst of the conflict in which the young pastor of the Niagara Street Church had become embroiled.

6. Free Seats Advocated

The matter of free seats in public worship became a question of great importance to Mr. Roberts during his Buffalo pastorate, doubtless because the Niagara Street Church was a stock church. Concerning free seats, Roberts wrote years later that when he lived in Buffalo, he held meetings in a place which was as near hell as any place he ever saw. Almost every house was a saloon, and it was made of the worst class of people on earth. When the room was crowded full he declared he had seen them all melted to tears and bowing in prayer. Some of the hardest of them were converted and lived converted lives. He believed that the love of God goes to the lowest and the most forsaken of earth, and so strong was his conviction that he made the statement that lie could just as soon help build a gambling house as a pewed church. "It is an insult to God and humanity. God's house should be as free as his grace."[58]

Of that same period, he wrote at another time, that while in Buffalo, his attention had been drawn to the evils of the pew system. He saw that the house of God must be free for all who chose to attend, if the masses would be reached and saved. He then began to write and preach upon the subject. The Niagara Street Church was in debt, and he offered to see the debt paid off if they would make the house free, but the offer was declined.[59] When this effort failed, he turned his attention to the establishment of a free church in the city. On March 29th he recorded in his diary, "Went to see about getting a church lot. I fear that our trustees will neither do nor let be done. We need a free Methodist Church here very much."[60] That expression "free Methodist Church" is prophetic inasmuch as that became the name chosen for the new church whose existence was yet some years in the future. The only change was from the small fin "free" to a capital F.

On June 5th of that same year his Journal records the fact that he had preached in his church in the morning on missions, on the anniversary of the F. M. S. and in the afternoon on church building, in which he endeavored to show that the pewed system was unscriptural. He felt he had a good time preaching and that a good impression had been made. On the following day he called a Society Meeting in the evening to consider the propriety of building a free church. The attendance was very good, and after a number had spoken in favor of a free church, a vote was taken and the free church issue was passed.[61] Roberts said that even Robie thought the current was running strongly in favor of a free church. Since the poor were not permitted to have a place in the more expensive edifices, there ought to be free churches for the poor.[62] Some of the more costly churches did have a pauper's seat at the rear for the poor who could not afford a pew, but to sit there was to acknowledge poverty, so not many poor attended. Roberts' early friend, the Rev. Eleazer Thomas, also made a speech in favor of the free church plan. The trustees, a portion of whom were present, did not say much. Mr. Wormwood, though, sweetly took ground in favor of the new enterprise and made a good speech.

The Rev. Thomas Carlton, who was later in agreement with Mr. Robie, was on the other side of the proposal here. He told those opposed to the paid pew system that the free seat system did not work well in New York, and they were getting out of it fast as they could. He said they had lately repaired Allen Street Church, New York, and he believed they had made it a stock church. This statement, it was asserted later in a bill of charges against Mr. Carlton, drawn up but never preferred, was contrary to fact.[63]

However, Mr. Roberts was not alone on the side of this question. Others in the past had been concerned. Mr. A. Kent wrote a series of articles on the subject of free seats in the Christian Advocate and Journal, taking his position against stock churches, and relating that Bishop Asbury had been much opposed to the procedure of buying pews. He also said that a number of influential preachers, who might be appointed to principal stations, signed a paper requesting the bishop not to appoint them in any place where they paid the preacher by legal tax, and he assured them he would not.[64]

For a time the method of paid pews had carried because of expediency, but the pendulum was to swing the other way. At the close of the conference year, Roberts wrote his father:

I believe the people are looking with more and more favor upon the principles I feel compelled to advocate. Yesterday I preached a sermon on the duty of the church to spread Christianity in this city which I should judge produced a deep impression. The Lord graciously assisted me. I have no doubt but that the church and congregation with the exception of perhaps half a dozen are anxious that we should return. Still I should be unwilling to, unless a different policy can be pursued. Till our exclusive church system is abolished in this city we cannot do much towards infusing the Spirit of Christianity among the masses.[65]

7. Missionary Interest

During that year Mr. Roberts offered himself for missionary service in Bulgaria, and he wrote to Bishop Waugh with reference to it.[66] The offer was not accepted because of the ill health of his wife. Evidently he later offered himself to the Missionary Board for India or Turkey. Relative to the second offer, Mrs. Lane wrote that she supposed Mr. Roberts would feel greatly troubled that he could not go to India now, or to Turkey, and expressed the hope that they would not feel it their duty to start to any foreign mission. She affirmed that if it were Mr. Roberts' field of labor, the Lord would make his way plain before him, and that there would not be any serious obstacles in the way.[67]

Each time he was turned back to the laborious round of the daily task, but the lure of the green fields far away did not cease to exist, and all through life, his interest in missions persisted.

8. Slavery Injected into the Picture

The rising tide of interest in the slave came up that year in Mr. Roberts' life. On November 14, 1852, shortly after going to Buffalo, he recorded that he had taken a collection of seventeen dollars for a "Bro. Basil Hall" who had bought himself of his owners in Washington, and that he was then raising funds to buy his wife and two children.[68]

The 30th of May, 1853, he noted that he had attended the Presbyterian General Assembly where he heard a very interesting discussion of the subject of slavery. His opinion was that "most of the speakers are apparently apologists for slavery."[69]

9. Summary of the Year at Buffalo

That year's pastorate gives a glimpse of the man fasting and praying, studying "as usual"[70] in the mornings, reading Irving's Life of Mohammed and commenting, "The style is too diffusive to suit me";[71] attending a lecture on gesture by Mr. Tavener, another on elocution; calling on his members, laboring in the jail and occasionally at the hydraulics; preaching in his stock church and working for a free church; writing for the church paper to correct what he considered current errors; encouraged and discouraged; denounced and lauded; having little to get along on and yet buying a house which afterward became the means for the first free church in Buffalo.

1. Conference Problems

September, 1853 found Mr. Roberts once more at the session of the Annual Conference, that year held in Batavia, New York. Roberts wrote to his wife who had remained at home that Dr. Kidder, Abel Stevens, and Thomas Carlton were at the seat of Conference. Abel Stevens had presented the Tract Cause in his usual way but with a great deal more of denominational zeal, which had carried most of the preachers completely away, so that most of them had pledged to raise from five to twenty-five dollars. Roberts did not seem to be moved by the appeal, and asserted, "But I made no pledge, and intend to make none. Is not that wonderful?"[72] It may have been that his knowledge that one of his opponents, Fuller, was striving for the Tract Agency which influenced him to his decision not to pledge. He wrote, "Fuller is striving hard for the Tract Agency and will perhaps obtain it. I felt confident one while that he would not succeed. But management accomplishes most everything."[73]

At that Conference, his placement evidently constituted a most perplexing problem. The Rev. Eleazer Thomas, his presiding elder, talked with him, but seemed puzzled as to what to do. Roberts expressed the opinion that "he, I believe, likes me, and my principles, and my unbending course, but he wants to please."[74] Mr. Thomas asked him what he would do with the men who opposed him if he were returned to Buffalo, and he replied that he would turn them out of the church. "So," Mr. Roberts wrote his wife, "you may judge what the probabilities are of our returning."[75] Three days later he wrote again, "They seem afraid to send me away, and afraid to send me back."[76] One of the vital questions at issue was Mr. Roberts position on a "free Church" as opposed to a "stock Church." A trip was made back to Buffalo by the presiding elder and Mr. Canton to see if they could arrange for the formation of a new stock church, and thus make it possible to return Roberts to Niagara Street to build a free church. Evidently the arrangements Thomas and Carlton hoped to make did not work out, and so certain was Roberts that he would be moved that he asked his wife to put a "To Rent" sign on their house and specified that she should ask $130.00 a year for the same.

In the whole question of placement, one can trace the various elements external and internal that go to make up the appointive system. A Mr. and Mrs. Olmstead and George Burden desired him to go to Caryville, promising to do well by them and to furnish the parsonage. This urge of friendship and promise of material things inclined him to state, "I do not know but it will be best for us to go there but may the will of the Lord be done."[77] Then came Eli and Mrs. Wood to urge them to go back to Rushford; yet scenes of that former pastorate did not seem to hold so strong an attraction and he opined, "Yet somehow, I do not feel drawn that way."[78] Informed by Presiding Elder Thomas that his name was down for Perry, he discovered in himself a strong reluctance to go there, which he stated to his presiding officer. Then he wrote, "Bro. Thomas feels tried with me for my opposition to his measures but I cannot help that. When there is so much managing I feel free to express my opinion when it is called for."[79] During these days of uncertainty as to his future, he was prompted to say, "I never felt more quiet about my appointment than this year and I never felt more drawn out to pray that the will of the Lord might be done."[80]

Mr. Roberts was not too much disturbed about his appointment to enjoy thoroughly the preaching of Bishop Simpson who presided at that session of the Annual Conference. The oratory of the Bishop has been described as persuasive rather than instructive, but which was at times overwhelming. Roberts mentioned that "Bishop Simpson preached yesterday afternoon one of the best and most powerful sermons I ever heard."[81] Everybody was carried away with the sermon. Whether there had come one of those great demonstrations which sometimes occurred under his preaching in which the congregation would rise, "throw up their hands and shout wildly," was not told.[82] This much is known that Roberts classified him as "after the style of our old preachers,"[83] and that he impressed Mr. Roberts by both his preaching ability and his great tact and dignity in presiding at the business sessions.

At that Conference, certain charges were drawn up against the Rev. Thomas Carlton and handed to Eleazer Thomas, the presiding elder by order of J. H. Wallace. Among the papers of Roberts is preserved what seems to be a copy of these charges, in which Mr. Carlton was accused of falsehood in making certain statements about stock churches in the East. What their full character was is not known now. Suffice it to say that when handed to Mr. Thomas, he suppressed them, probably realizing the futility of presenting them, inasmuch as Mr. Carlton had already been elected head of the Book Concern of the Church.

One cannot but come to the conclusion that the difficulties of the previous year had not put Roberts in the best light with some of the men, particularly those with whom he had differed. A letter from Mrs. Lane to Mrs. Roberts implied that very thing most strongly. It read:

Harvey and Marie stopped at Mr. Knowles while Mrs. Car1ton was there. She told them that Mrs. Roberts was liked by the people where they were stationed, said she was liked as a Lady and as a Christian, everywhere. It is well you stand so high.[84]

Roberts' Journal of September 15th told the story of their move. He remarked that Conference had adjourned about half past twelve and succinctly stated that he was appointed to Brockport and that H. R. Smith succeeded him to Niagara Street. At the close, he could say of his appointment, "I receive it gratefully as from the Lord."[85]

Niagara Street Church, that had turned down the offer of Mr. Roberts to clear the church of debt if they would make it free, had a "short but hectic history," according to Mr. Roberts. Redfield had left the revival that year, telling them that Ichabod would be written on their walls, and the sentiment had been echoed by Roberts.[86] In the Buffalo Christian Advocate of January 1, 1857, appeared the notation, "The Niagara Street M. E. Church will probably be rebuilt, and will present one of the most ornamental buildings in town. The plans in the hands of Mr. Wilcox are exceedingly tasteful and rich."[87] This plan of improvement was carried out and thousands of dollars were expended in making the building a more imposing church edifice. Though the church was a substantial stone structure, it was given a new front, and was further enhanced within by a large organ in the gallery, and tall gothic chairs in the pulpit. The church was by that time so deeply involved in debt that every expedient was used, such as reselling the pews, holding fairs and festivals, giving popular lectures, and taxing the members to the utmost of their ability in order to "save the church."[88] One of the largest liquor dealers in the city was made both a trustee and the treasurer. The "Clam Bake and Chowder Entertainment" seemed to climax all endeavors at money-raising, and Mr. Roberts regretfully stated that one of the most godly women he had ever known was induced to preside at one of the tables. In the end, the church had to be sold and was purchased for a Jewish synagogue.[89]

The Buffalo Church which was to see such misfortune in the future, passed into the hands of Mr. H. R. Smith and Mr. Roberts went on to Brockport.

In the year 1828, Mr. Loring Grant, presiding elder of the Erie District wrote, "In the village of Brockport a very commodious, well finished brick church has recently been erected."[90] Brockport had a good beginning and providence had smiled upon it. A quarter of a century had passed, however, before Mr. Roberts was sent there as pastor.

2. Roberts' Reception at the New Church

A letter of Mrs. Roberts stated: "The people of our (Buffalo) church manifested a great deal of feeling at our leaving and the sisters expressed a great deal of sympathy for me and were very kind."[91] Although Mrs. Roberts found these people far more congenial than elsewhere, she left Buffalo with scarcely a regret.[92] Two hours of traveling by railroad found them in the city of Brockport. One of the men of the church was waiting at the depot to give them transportation and to convey them to his home next door to the parsonage. Much to their delight, the "sisters"[93] had cleaned the parsonage, and when their goods arrived, the "brethren"[94] aided in unpacking. A pleasant picture was given of parishioners busily helping their new pastor and wife to become settled in the parsonage. "The sisters washed and put up the dishes, put down two carpets and corded two bedsteads that evening."[95] The next day sundry culinary supplies came in, bread, biscuits, butter, milk, cake, pie, peaches, grapes, etc., so that it became possible to take possession of their new home and eat their first meal that Saturday afternoon, although it had been only on Wednesday noon that they had eaten their last meal in their Buffalo home. One week saw them comfortably settled. They had, they said, "never met with so much kindness . . . . and so much cordiality."[96]

Here in Brockport was the finest parsonage they had ever lived in, and there was a good garden spot to delight the soul of Mr. Roberts. A shade of disappointment is discovered in Mrs. Roberts' letter that though the town abounded in shade and fruit trees, their house, "parsonage-like"[97] had not the sign of one about it, just two lilac bushes. Inside the parsonage there was some furniture, and the Roberts hoped the society would buy some more. Till such time, they would do the best they could.

Close to the time of moving was the birth of Benson Howard, the son who was probably nearest to them in subsequent years. Mr. Roberts wrote his father, "Ellen has been very sick since we came here, but is now very much better and is in fair way to recovery."[98] After mentioning the birth of the child, he stated, "The little child seems naturally strong and healthy An excellent sister near by has taken him home to keep till his mother gets better. The sisters here are very kind, omitting nothing for our comfort"[99]

3. Attitudes and Beginnings in Brockport

Mrs. Lane wrote to the Roberts shortly after they moved to Brockport, "I suppose that you will like this place better than Buffalo."[100] There was every reason for them to do so; a fine parsonage was furnished free, most of the furniture was purchased new after their arrival, with a "claim they fixed at their own suggestion at five hundred dollars and the house rent,"[101] together with the knowledge that living costs there would be less than in Buffalo. These considerations were sufficient to bring the decided statement, "We like it here very much."[102]

From the happy beginnings of their work at Brockport, it would not be hard to predict some initial success. Early in the year Roberts reported that the interest was increasing. Many of the members were by that time, to use his peculiar expression, getting "broken down."[103] But soon Roberts thought characteristically that the condition of the membership, spiritually, was the worst he had ever known. Besides a general declension, there were quarrels of long standing. Despite seasons of discouragement, he saw what he believed to be the workings of the Lord, and he set his hope on seeing "an extensive revival of religion."[104] At the beginning of special revival meetings which were scheduled, Roberts wrote to his father that there was a good prospect for an extensive and deep work of God, and that at the time of writing there was quite a bit of conviction among the impenitent. He planned for Fay Purdy, the lawyer evangelist, to be with them, and he wanted his father to hear him.[105] Twelve days later, following the visit of Mr. Purdy, he wrote that they were enjoying a revival of the old Methodist stamp. He estimated that over twenty had passed from death to life, many of them heads of families. At first some of the members did not like the noise, many of them never having witnessed anything like it, but he said that "all agreed" that God was at work among them in great power.[106] Mr. Roberts wrote that twenty had knelt at the altar for prayer the night before. Meetings were then in progress both afternoon and evening. Mr. William Cusick, who later became a preacher in Ohio, Michigan, and the West, became a Christian in that meeting. Frank Smith and his wife, Emeline, were helped spiritually, and afterwards entered mission work and were employed in the Water Street Mission in New York, which numbers Jerry McCauley among its converts.[107]

By March of that year, 1854, the meeting was over and although the congregations were large, Mr. Roberts described the going as "horrible."[108] On March 13th, he reported, "I had a very good time preaching in the morning and in the afternoon and a very poor time in the evening." New seekers were going forward for prayer. He noted that five more had joined the church on probation, making a total of fifty-four, and all but sixteen were heads of families.[109]

4. Evaluation of First Year at Brockport

His estimate of his work at Brockport for that year was a mixture of good and ill. He reported a very excellent class meeting, and that the Lord was still at work in the hearts of the people. However, he felt that he was serving a hard place since the church had been down so long that they had lost the confidence of the community. He judged that if the influence of the church had been better, they would have realized much greater results.[110]

5. Conference Matters

By September of that year, matters pertaining to the Annual Conference became pressing. In checking up, Roberts learned that of the sixty-six who had joined the church on probation during the year, only ten had to be dropped. On Sunday, September 3rd, his Journal records that eighteen were that day received into full connection.[111]

In answer to a complaint about the pastor at Gowanda, Roberts gave his father some disciplinary citations of what could be done, and the promise, "I will do what I can to help you at Gowanda with the right kind of man another year."[112] Of his own disposition at Conference he said, "I think it probable that we shall return here another year. The people desire it and it may be best."[113] Conference convened at Warsaw, and Mr. Roberts wrote to his wife of a number of items that indicated the temper of the times. Some of the preachers had to go out three miles from the seat of Conference for their entertainment, and it caused a considerable amount of complaint. Roberts thought Conference never should have gone to Warsaw. He thought there was no possibility of Brother Wallace "or any other decided man" being appointed Presiding Elder. "Someone without a backbone" would be preferred, in his thought.[114] He believed he had never been in a church that seemed colder than the Warsaw church. "The old ship Zion appears to be ice bound," he informed his wife.[115] The Rev. Eleazer Thomas was there and made "quite a dashing appearance in his white vest."[116] Roberts commented that he was afraid that every year he was getting farther away.

On September 9th, Mr. Roberts sent another communication home in which he confided that during that season he heard but little about the appointments. He thought that Thomas and Kingsley had turned the cold shoulder to the appointment of Wallace as presiding elder in the hope that the more radical group would lend their support to get one of them on the district, but Roberts thought they were mistaken in their hope, adding, "If we cannot have a thorough going Methodist let them send us who they please, Parsons, or Fuller or any good Mason or Odd Fellow."[117]

The Conference moved on uneventfully, and only a few distinguished men were present at that session. The Rev. Abel Stevens and the Rev. Pease were mentioned. Charges were preferred against a Brother May for evil speaking. The Reverend Thomas Carlton had brought from the Lanes in New York a package for Mrs. Roberts which was delivered to her husband at the conference. The curiosity of Mr. Roberts was great enough to cause him to open the package and he reported to his wife that he had found "a shawl and one or two other small articles."[118] Surely insufficient explanation to satisfy her curiosity!

In a letter dated September 11th, he informed his wife of the great crowd on Sunday. Such was the rush to hear Bishop Janes that Roberts went to hear Dr. Cummings, and stated that he preached a very good sermon in his way, but not with much unction. He heard Dr. Daniel Steele at 1:30 P. M and liked him better. At 2:30 P. M. he heard Dr. John Price Durbin at the Methodist Episcopal Church. Roberts commented, "He preached with more unction and power than at any time before when I have heard him."[119]

The final estimate of the Conference and its doings were recorded by Roberts in a letter to his father, in which he informed him that they were to stay at Brockport for another year. The people all seemed well pleased with the appointment, he wrote. The Reverend Eleazer Thomas was the presiding elder. Roberts mentioned that the presiding elder on the district where his father lived was a fair kind of a man who would not make any great stir, or do any special harm. He continued:

'Safe men' happen to be all the rage now. The great question seems to be not what is right but what is 'expedient.' Odd Fellowship and worldly policy bore sway at the last session of our conference. You could see it in everything.. Out of thirty preachers who were stationed to board out from one to four miles from the town there was but a single Odd-Fellow, and he was not known as such.[120]

Mr. Roberts was one of the more favored group who were placed in the village for entertainment.

It is quite evident from the above accounts that J. H. Wallace was favored by Roberts for presiding elder, and that he believed Eleazer Thomas, the new presiding elder, who had been classed as their former leader, was growing cold to the cause. There is very clear evidence from Roberts' own pen that what had been dubbed "Nazaritism," with which he had identified himself, was not faring well in the official gatherings of their annual Conference. Loren Stiles, who was not yet identified with the movement, was just coming into prominence in the eyes of the Conference. The Buffalo Advocate had printed articles which gave scathing publicity to these promoters of "old time Methodism." Stirrings were felt back home with reference to appointments indicating that Roberts was becoming an object of attack.

Conable reported of this conference that "in 1854 the Genesee District was strongly manned."[121] After naming the twenty-six men stationed there, including both Roberts and Kendall, he then commented:

Besides the constitutional and natural peculiarities of these men, there were beginning to be more and more manifest among them differences as to their tastes, prejudices, and preferences concerning questions of Church polity and Conference administration; touching methods of conducting revival meetings, and many matters of expediency and propriety in promoting the cause of Christian holiness; all claiming to be Methodists, to be sure.[122]

The work at Brockport went forward without any remarkable success during the early part of the second year. The Reverend William Kendall and also Seth Woodruff helped Mr. Roberts some during an October meeting and although there were several conversions, matters moved on slowly. He did have some success in Holley where he preached and conducted revival services. He carried on the work of calling on his members and extending the revivals by taking the gospel to the homes.

1. The Growing Partisan Feeling

As Roberts came to the close of another Conference year, lie was a man spotted and, by many, opposed. Mrs. Lane wrote on June 19th that one of the sisters had asked if Mr. Roberts did not preach "scandalous."[123] In spite of ill reports, Roberts determined to do what he could to maintain what he termed "old line Methodism." He was beginning to enter somewhat actively into the politics of the Conference, especially in view of the coming General Conference, for which delegates must be elected at the ensuing Annual Conference. He wrote to his father asking him to see Father Everetts and have him go to Conference and help them carry out old line Methodism. He declared, "Carlton and Co. will put forth every effort to elect pro-slavery, Odd Fellow, formalist delegate."[124] He said they wanted to elect men who were in favor of the life and power of godliness; of returning to the old paths, and of getting slavery out of the church. He stated that they had most of the old men and young men with them, and believed they could safely count on from eight to ten majority. He reported that Fuller was going around the Conference saying that they had formed a secret society to put down Odd Fellowship in the Conference, but Roberts said, "This is not true."[125] He made the statement, however, that under "the Odd Fellow reign" if a minister were true to his vows and endeavored to carry out the Discipline, he was crushed.[126] He, with his friends, was determined that this should not be so in the future. and that they would do their duty to make the changes they deemed necessary. The Odd Fellow candidates for the General Conference were Carlton, Parsons, H. R. Smith, Fuller and Waite. Those agreed upon by the other party were Abel, Kingsley, Burlingham and B. T. Roberts, the fifth not then decided upon, but probably one of the old men. Then he reminded his father that Kingsley and he were the only two men of the Conference who stood up to help get Father Everetts his claim, and had succeeded in getting part of it, and that it was now his turn to help.[127]

2. The Nazarites

About that time, there appeared an article in the Buffalo Advocate entitled, "Another Secret Society the Nazarites."[128] The editor, Mr. Robie, in this article accused the disfavored group with being a secret society, though, he added, the investigation of "Nazaritism" had been occasioned by papers being put into his hand which Mr. McCreery had drawn up. Mr. McCreery prepared those papers ostensibly to meet what he considered an emergency, the union of Secret Society men in the Conference. The papers contained an expression of a determination to work according to the Discipline and usages of the church and did at least contemplate a formal organization. It came out in the examination that no more than two or three persons favored such a union, even though they did favor the propositions advanced in the paper which are recorded as being:

1. I will observe and enforce the Rules of the Methodist Episcopal Church to the best of my ability, and under all practicable circumstances.
2. I will steadfastly resist all departures from them, or from the religious customs derived therefrom.
3. I will steadfastly oppose the introduction or continuance of any religious practice or custom, or of any institution foreign to, or at variance with, the Discipline of the church.
4. And I will encourage and sustain in the disciplinary execution of the above purpose, in preference to all others, those covenanting together in this obligation.

1. To restore the observance of the Rules requiring attendance on class.
2. To restore the observance of the Rules requiring family prayer.
3. To restore the observance of the Rules requiring quarterly fasts.
4. To restore the observance of the Rules requiring singing by the congregation.
5. To restore the custom, in part, of free seats in our houses of worship.
6. To restore the custom of attendance from abroad upon our love-feasts.
7. To restore the custom of camp meetings more fully among us.
8. To restore, generally, simplicity and spirituality in our worship.[129]

These "practical propositions" were followed by a general argument showing the necessity of such a union, and by a series of "Lamentations and Recommendations," in which the "practical propositions" were discussed.[130]

These so called "Nazarite papers" had been circulated by McCreery during the year, printed in the Buffalo Advocate, and were read before the Conference, together with charges made in connection with those papers, especially in the part of McCreery's paper called "The General Argument." Official judgment fell upon McCreery and upon the heads of the "Nazarites." McCreery had written:

And it is lamentable to know, and shameful to record, that the most efficient opponents to the discipline in our midst are these very men who have been solemnly constituted its guardians, who in the presence of God and the Conference have publicly and voluntarily taken upon them special vows of adherence to it.[131]

This was followed by a direct charge against the Secret Society men as being the "leaders in the path of retrogression from the discipline and usages of the Church."[132] These direct charges, plus the representations made in the Buffalo Advocate in the above mentioned article, created a strong reaction against the publishers of it. After spending two days of the Conference in the discussion of the same, a resolution was passed as follows:

Resolved, that while we doubt not that there is much room for improvement among us in spiritual religion, and in observance of our beloved institution, we regret that, in view of such deficiencies as may exist, and with the ostensible purpose of returning to first principles, any of our members should have associated together, as we find they have done, under the name of "Nazarite Band," or other similar appellations, with some forms of secrecy, and with the claim to be peculiar in this respect; and we pass our disapprobation upon such associations, and hereby express our full expectation, that it will be abandoned by all members of this Conference. We especially but effectually condemn the calumnious expressions read in relation to the Methodist Church, and her Ministers within our bounds; and we do hereby submit these views, to the special consideration of all who are concerned in this matter, and expect them hereafter, to govern themselves accordingly.[133]

A complete picture of Conference reaction cannot be given without referring once again to the article, "Another Secret Society the Nazarites," published in the Buffalo Advocate. Robie's article attacked the men of the opposition in no uncertain terms. He accused them of having formed a "secret religious organization" termed "The Nazarite Band." This had a "ludicrous aspect" because of their "blazing hostility" to secret societies, having been especially concerned "in giving both lay and clerical Odd Fellows and Masons 'particular jesse.' " He described the Nazarites as a "compound of sanctity and slander, of pompous humility and humble pride, of peccability and perfection," whose professions reached to heaven. He more particularly specified the Rev. Joseph McCreery, the author of the papers which had been the basis for the alleged secret society, as being noted for "eccentric stupidity and brilliant folly" which some had mistaken for genius, but which were really attributes of the "genus donkey." He said he might pay more particular attention sometime later to this "dark, sepulchral and owlish gentlemen." Mr. Robie warned this "delectable Band" of Nazarites to be prepared to "face the music" rather than try to evade the consequences of their "abortive jealousy and spleen." A desire was expressed that the leaders of the movement would bring the matter to so ripe a head that the people, plagued by their "mischievous propensities," would pass upon them the verdict which their "temerity and folly" so richly deserved. He concluded, "Religious Jesuits are awful beings."[134] A few days after the appearance of that article, Roberts 'wrote to his father calling particular attention to it, and commented, "The editor of this Christian Journal appears to be in a very pious mood. He is said to belong to four secret societies."[135] He requested his father to show the article to Brother Newton and Father Everetts, adding, "It will help on our cause very much. Bro. McCreery (Bani who is particularly specified, is one of our most devoted and successful ministers."[136] He felt that such "gross abuse and slander"[137] would hurt most those it was designed to benefit. He closed his letter by adding, "You can tell Father Everetts there is no secret society, as that article alleges. We are simply agreed in trying to return to the old paths."[138] In another letter closely following the one just quoted, Mr. Roberts told his father, "Bro. McCreery will probably prosecute Robie for libel; though perhaps not till after Conference. Two of our best lawyers here say it is clearly a libel."[139] He expressed the belief that perhaps this was not the best course to pursue.

About the same time, there was an indication by letter that there was some feeling on the part of Fuller against Roberts. Roberts wrote his father that there had always been a good understanding between him and Fuller personally, but that Fuller thought Roberts stood in his way. He believed that Roberts had hindered his election as presiding elder, and also that he would not be sent as a delegate to the General Conference on that ground. Fuller began to circulate this article, "Another Secret Society the Nazarites." Roberts gave as his opinion that he thought that this charge against them was out of character for men who belonged to Masons, Odd-Fellows, etc.

At this juncture Roberts was sensing most keenly what the cost of this whole procedure would mean to him, but in the face of the ignominy and disrepute which had already begun to come his way, he asserted, "The Lord helping me, I mean to go straight, let it cost what it will."[140]

In the light of the Reverend Mr. McCreery’s positive testimony denying that any vow had ever been administered and that they did not organize, and in view of a subsequent statement by seventeen of their leaders that there was no such union perfected as the Nazarite Band, such testimony being published both in The Northern Independent and in fly sheet form, as well as the personal letter of Roberts to his father which has been quoted, the truth of the matter seems to be that these men did act together in concert in order to preserve what they considered old line Methodism, but without organization. The coincidence of the publication of the Nazarite Documents by Mr. McCreery and their circulation, together with the knowledge that there was a solidarity in the accomplishment of their ends, probably produced the conviction in the Conference that such an organization did exist. The direct charge that they had found this association to exist, followed by a positive prohibition against it, joined with the knowledge that as far back as 1848 the Conference had virtually been instructed to do nothing to stir up the Secrecy issue when Mr. Burlingham had made specific charges against it that year in the Conference, indicated the general trend of opinion with reference to this matter among the ministers, and the temper of the Conference.

A part of the whole proceedings of the 1855 Conference, added to that of the documents Mr. McCreery produced, were the charges which were brought against Mr. McCreery for certain erratic statements he had made on his Lyndonville circuit. One of them, presented by Dr. Chamberlain, a superannuate preacher residing on that charge, read as follows:

Some of the younger boys have taken my mother, the Methodist Church, in her old age, painted her face and curled her hair, hooped her, and flounced her, and fixed her up, until I could hardly tell her from a woman of the world. Now when I have taken the old lady, and washed her face, and straightened out her hair, and dressed her up in modest apparel, so that she looks like herself again, they make a great hue and cry and call it abusing mother.[141]

After Mr. McCreery had read to the Conference the "Nazarite Documents," his character was passed, subject to an examination before his presiding elder. When the above charges were presented by Mr. Chamberlain, and referred to Mr. Stiles, one of the newly elected presiding elders of the Conference, he ordered the trial to be held at Lyndonville, where the alleged offenses were committed, and where the witnesses lived, although it was outside the bounds of his district. At the opening of the trial, Mr. Roberts recounted, the prosecution objected to the ruling of the chairman, and refusing to go on, the trial was abruptly brought to a close. Repercussions from this were soon felt, and at the next session of the Annual Conference in 1856, Mr. Stiles was charged with maladministration. B. T. Roberts acted as his defense attorney, and Mr. Stiles was acquitted. Doubtless this trouble had much to do with the decision of Mr. Stiles at that Conference session to withdraw to another Conference.

The "Nazarite" party was definitely in disfavor with the majority of the Conference; their efforts to elect their delegates as a slate were defeated, and Roberts, who shared the defeat with his brethren, went to his new appointment at Albion with the knowledge that there were difficult times ahead. Why he was sent to Albion where his friend, William Kendall, had been stationed and where such active opposition had arisen to his measures, is to be explained only in the divided sentiment of the times.

The Albion Church was one of the stronger churches of the Conference. In this appointment, Roberts fared better than his friend Kendall, whom he succeeded. Kendall went to Chili where the opposition to his measures and methods was to increase, and Roberts went to the former scene of Kendall's labors. Spiritual conditions in Albion were much better, so Mr. Roberts thought, upon his arrival than when Mr. Kendall had been sent there.

Home conditions for the Roberts family were quite propitious. Writing to his father shortly after their move to Albion, Mr. Roberts said, "We are getting nicely settled in our new home. We find things more pleasant about the parsonage than usually falls to the lot of the itinerant."[142] He felt the need of a horse for travel and asked his father to send him his horse and he would send payment as soon as possible.

1. State of Party Feeling

Leadership of the so called Nazarite group seemed at that time to pass into the hands of the young man, Roberts. Before this time, he had never been considered the leader of the "old line Methodists." The Reverend Eleazer Thomas, who had been the acknowledged leader of the "Nazarites" was sent to California, where he became the editor of a church paper and afterward was killed by the Modoc Indians. Dr. Samuel Luckey had succeeded him as presiding elder on the Genesee District and had lent his influence to forwarding the "salvation movement" that was then on. He had been succeeded by Mr. Loren Stiles in 1855.

Mr. Roberts described Stiles as a young man who had been graduated from the Methodist Theological Seminary at Concord, New Hampshire. He had at that early age become celebrated in western New York as a pulpit orator. "Amiable in his disposition, pleasing in his manners, and a thorough gentleman in all his bearings," it seemed to be taken for granted that he would instinctively recoil from what was branded as the "coarse fanaticism" prevalent in the district. It was supposed, so Mr. Roberts affirmed, that he would win the hearts of the people, and gradually turn them, without friction, back to "the respectable quiet of spiritual death."[143] But Stiles, whose prejudices were based wholly on what he had heard and read, soon felt that what he saw on the district was the work of God. He saw, so Roberts affirmed, that many had a spiritual power he did not possess. He sought it at once, and he used all his influence from that time on to forward the work of holiness. Mr. Roberts said Quarterly Meetings of Mr. Stiles were thronged, and many of the people consecrated themselves wholly to God.[144]

At the same time, the Rev. Isaac C. Kingsley, a former Presbyterian, was serving as presiding elder on the Niagara District. After making a careful survey of what was branded as "fanaticism" he had decided, Mr. Roberts reported, that this was the kind of religion he had desired when he left his old church and came with the Methodists. He also, contrary to expectation, gave this whole matter his cordial support. The Rev. Charles D. Burlingham pushed the work forward on the Olean District "with a hearty zeal and abundant success,"[145] according to report.

The Secret Society faction of the Conference, affirmed Mr. Roberts, styled "The Regency" by Mr. Stiles at the Olean Conference, realizing that the presiding elders of their choice were going along with the "Nazarites" began to make direct attacks through the columns of the Buffalo Advocate. Even Bishop Hamline was not exempt from criticism, when he was accused falsely of not having given $25,000.00 to found Hamline University at Red Wing, Minnesota in 1854.[146] When the editor of the Buffalo Advocate had been corrected he replied, "Noble man! he shall have all our praise, if it will do him any good."[147] Attacks and counterattacks seemed to be the custom of the day, and even the good bishop did not escape his share of it.

At that time there was another article in the Buffalo Advocate on the "Nazarite Association" claiming to have evidence to prove the existence of a secret religious organization. This evidence related to the papers of "The Nazarite Band," concerning which it had been asserted by the accused that no such organization had ever been formed. Secrecy had been the charge against the so-called "Regency," and now the counter charge of secrecy was being made against the "Nazarites." At that early date, some were beginning to feel a sense of futility in the fight against what they believed to be a hopeless defection from old time Methodism. Among these was the evangelist, Dr. J. W. Redfield. A letter from Redfield, directed to the Kendalls, breathed the spirit of the times from beginning to end. It declared that the "pilgrims" would yet have to organize a new church, for there was no hope except in a new organization.[148] In another letter sent to Kendall, he declared that although he was no prophet, yet he felt they would never succeed in "cleansing the church." He continued in the following manner, stating that some ministers had never been converted and others had back-slidden. None of them could ever be brought to appreciate what many felt to be right until they were converted. God himself could not make them love and sustain a cause at which their nature revolted. He said there were two distinct and totally opposite elements in the church which could never harmonize till one gave way to the other and that there seemed to him no possibility of that. "As God lives," he declared, "there is no rational hope but in separation; and yet I would by no means hoist the banner of separation."[149] He believed that if the brethren would persistently hold on to their plan of resuscitating Methodist usages, and keep the central idea of Jesus and a full salvation before the people. they would yet see the day when the masses would be saved and go with them, and formalists would compel the separation. He told them they had the right men for their leaders, and that they had more sympathizers that they realized.[150]

2. Roberts aware of Opposition

Roberts was by that time becoming fully aware of the ecclesiastical war that was on and of the charges made against him and those who held the same views. In a letter to his father written in November, 1855, he invited him to a General Quarterly Meeting in which he expected the "pilgrims"[151] present from all over the district, and then added, "Come out and see and hear for yourself what these 'fanatical' Methodists are."[152] He carried forward the work of the church and although the weather had not been good for special meetings, he reported that they still had a good revival influence in the church, and that he received about thirty on probation. He expressed the hope to see the work continue all summer.[153]

3. Bergen Camp Meeting Difficulties

Camp meetings seemed not to be the order of the day, but were held if promoted by some individual or group of individuals. Such evidently was the case of the Bergen Camp Meeting. This camp was sponsored by B. T. Roberts and those who were interested in the promotion of camp meetings as a means of spiritual blessing. This camp site, which became in the terms of some, the "very hot bed of fanaticism," was purchased that summer. B. T. Roberts and Loren Stiles took a contract for the land, May 8th, 1856, and on July 18th, it was deeded by absolute conveyance to Asa Abel, Benjamin T. Roberts, and Asa Allis. Mr. Roberts and Mr. Stiles gave their personal note for it. With some assistance, they raised the money to pay for it by contribution and by loan. In the following winter Roberts drew up an act of incorporation, or charter, under the name Genesee Camp Ground Association. Mr. Roberts went to Albany and had it passed by the legislature. Expecting always to remain in the Methodist Church, Mr. Roberts put a clause in the charter, placing the camp meeting and ground under the jurisdiction of the Genesee Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, and another clause permitting none but members of the M. E. Church to vote for trustees.[154] At the next session of the Genesee Annual Conference, Loren Stiles proposed that the Conference should take charge of the camp meetings, but the Conference refused to do so. The special clauses inserted in the charter resulted eventually in the loss of the camp ground to the men who were responsible for its purchase.

About that time Mr. Roberts, in a communication to his father, stated that they were expecting to have a camp meeting to commence the 12th of June. It was to be in Bergen where it had been held two years before and on a beautiful twenty-five acre woodland plot which they had recently purchased, to be used for a permanent camp site. They had already sent on for one of the bishops to come and dedicate the ground the first day of the camp.[155]

4. Conference Matters

Soon the Bergen Camp, with its emphasis on holiness, was over, and Conference was once again imminent. Some of the preachers went not knowing what should befall them. In testimony taken at the following Conference at Leroy, it was quite evident that secret meetings were held at that Conference by the so-called "Regency" group.

It was alleged that the Regency held private meetings for the purpose of determining policy and creating pressures wherever it was expedient for them to do so. Both Rev. Sanford Hunt and the Rev. Thomas Canton testified that they had attended such meetings at this Conference. Carlton testified, "I attended three of the meetings at the house of John Ryan during the session of the Medina Conference."[156] The Reverend William Barrett testified at the next Conference that he saw at the Medina Conference a petition asking for the removal of Stiles and Kingsley from the office of presiding elder. He said he could not state the exact wording of the petition, but understood it to be a statement of refusal to take work if Stiles and Kingsley were continued in the office of presiding elder.[157] Mr. Roberts wrote that Rev. J. M. Fuller testified also that he had stated that he would not take work under either Stiles or Kingsley, and when asked if he had heard anyone else say the same, replied that he had heard others say what would amount to about the same thing.[158] This resulted in the voluntary withdrawal of both Kingsley and Stiles, who, sensing that one or both of them would be removed from the Cabinet, asked for a transfer to the Cincinnati Conference, which was unhesitatingly granted.[159]

With Kingsley and Stiles withdrawn, the Cabinet (Superintendents) was then left in the hands of "Regency" men. It is charged by Roberts that they took precautions against increasing the power of the opposition party by keeping out of the Conference young men who were sympathetic with the "Nazarites." Roberts declared that several young men of good abilities, education, and of deep piety, who professed and preached holiness, were compelled to go to other Conferences.[160]

The Buffalo Advocate said of that Conference:

Hotheads, and fanatics, from any quarter, will find it hereafter difficult soil on which to produce any of their mischief or scandal. Some attempted to gain admittance to the Conference at its last session, but were repulsed at the threshold, and passed away, disgusted with the forebodings of order and manliness, which a kind Providence permits shall govern hereafter. These, with their sympathizers in and out of the body, are the agencies employed in writing scandal of those who now hold the reins, and who mean to live and govern for God and holiness and respectable position.[161]

[1] B. T. Roberts, Why Another Sect, (Rochester. New York: The Earnest Christian Office, 1879), p. 104.

[2] George Peck. Early Methodism Within the Bounds of the Genesee Conference from 1788 to 1828, (New York: Canton and Porter, 1860). p.342.

[3] Ibid., p. 352.

[4] B. T. Roberts. Why Another Sect, (Rochester, New York: The Earnest Christian Office, 1179), pp. 104, 105.

[5] Letter of B. T. Roberts. Buffalo. to Mrs. Roberts. Gowanda, 1812. Found among letters of the Roberts family.

[6] Ibid.

[7] Ibid.

[8] Letter from Mrs. Roberts. Gowanda, to Mr. Roberts, Buffalo, undated, but writ ten in October, 1852. Found among letters of Roberts family.

[9] Ibid.

[10] Ibid.

[11] Ibid.

[12] Ibid.

[13] Letter from B. T. Roberts to his father, November 8.1852.

[14] B. T. Roberts, The Earnest Christian, (January. 1865), 8.

[15] Letter from Dr. John Wesley Redfield, Henrietta, to Mr. Hicks. Syracuse, November 11,1852. Found among letters of Roberts.

[16] B. T. Roberts, The Earnest Christian, (January, 1365). 6.

[17] B. T. Roberts, Why Another Sect, (Rochester, New York: The Earnest Christian Office, 1879). p. 105.

[18] John A. Roche. The Life of John Price Durbin, (5th ed.; New York: Eaton and Mains, 1889), Preface.

[19] Diary of B. T. Roberts, January 23, 1853. Quoted by B. H. Roberts, Benjamin Titus Roberts, p.71.

[20] A. B. Hyde, The Story, of Methodism, (Greenfield, Mass.: Wiley and Company, 1887), p. 361.

[21] Ibid.

[22] Diary of B. T. Roberts, January 23.1853. Quoted by B. H. Roberts, Benjamin Titus Roberts, p.71.

[23] B. T. Roberts, The Earnest Christian, vii, (February, 1864).

[24] Ibid.

[25] Diary of B. T. Roberts, January 23,1853. Quoted by B. H. Roberts, Benjamin Titus Roberts, p.71.

[26] Diary of B. T. Roberts, January 29,1853. Quoted by B. H. Roberts, Benjamin Titus Roberts, p. 71.

[27] James 2.10.

[28] Diary of B. T. Roberts, January 30.1853. Quoted by B. H. Roberts, Benjamin Titus Roberts, p.72.

[29] Diary of B. T. Roberts, February 1,2, 1853. Quoted by B. H. Roberts. Benjamin Titus Roberts, p.72.

[30] Buffalo Christian Advocate, (February 12, 1852), 25.

[31] Ibid.

[32] B. T. Roberts,. The Earnest Christian, (February, 1864). 38.

[33] B. T. Roberts. original copy of the article published in the Northern Advocate, (February 16, 1853 Found among personal papers of the Roberts family.

[34] Diary of B. T. Roberts, February 20, 1853. Quoted by B. H. Robert,, Benjamin Titus Roberts. p.73.

[35] Quoted from copy of the article published in the Northern Advocate, (February 16, 1853).

[36] Ibid.

[37] Ibid.

[38] R. L. Waite, North Christian Advocate, XIII (April 16, 1853), 1.

[39] Ibid.

[40] Ibid.

[41] Ibid.

[42] Ibid.

[43] Ibid.

[44] C. C. Gas,, Statistical History of the First Century of American Methodism, (New York: Canton and Porter, 1866), p. 110.

[45] E. L. Waite, op. cit., p.1.

[46] B. T. Roberts, Original copy of the Article Published In Northern Christian Advocate, (1853) Found among personal papers.

[47] Ibid.

[48] Ibid.

[49] Ibid.

[50] Letter from Mrs. George Lane, Mt. Holly, New Jersey, to Mrs. Roberts. Buffalo. June 2.1853. Found among personal letters of the Roberts family.

[51] Ibid.

[52] J. H. Wallace, Northern Christian Advocate, XIII, No. 19, (May 11.1853), 1.

[53] Buffalo Christian Advocate, III, No. 15, (1852), 58.

[54] Letter from Mrs. Lane, Mt. Holly to Mrs. Roberts, Buffalo, July 19, 1953.

[55] Ibid.

[56] Isa. 21:11.

[57] John Robie, Buffalo Christian Advocate, III, No. 46, (November 11, 1852), 180.

[58] B. T. Roberts, The Earnest Christian, (January, 1891),7.

[59] B. T. Roberts, The Earnest Christian, (January, 1885), 6.

[60] Diary of B. T. Roberts, March 29,1853. Quoted by B. H. Roberts, Benjamin Titus Roberts, p.75.

[61] Diary of B. T. Roberts, June 5,6, 1853. Quoted by B. H. Roberts. Benjamin Titus Roberts, p.77.

[62] Diary of B. T. Roberts, June 7,1853. Quoted by B. H. Roberts, Benjamin Titus Roberts, p.77.

[63] Bill of charges against Thomas Canton, signed by the Rev. J. H. Wallace. Found among the personal papers of the Roberts family.

[64] A. Kent, Christian Advocate and Journal. XXVIII. (February 10.1853), 24.

[65] Letter from H. T. Roberts to his father. August 8, 1853. Quoted by B. H. Roberts, Benjamin Titus Roberts, p.78.

[66] Diary of B. T. Roberts, March 12, 1853. Quoted by B. H. Roberts, Benjamin Titus Roberts, p.74.

[67] Letter from Mrs. George Lane. Mt. Holly. to Mrs. Roberts. Buffalo. June 20. 1813. Found among letters of the Roberts family.

[68] Diary of B. T. Roberts. November 14.1852. Quoted by B. H. Roberts, Benjamin Titus Roberts, p.68.

[69] Diary of B. T. Roberts, May 30,1853. Quoted by B. H. Roberts. Benjamin Titus Roberts, p. 76.

[70] Diary of B. T. Roberts, March 30.1853. quoted by B. H. Roberts, Benjamin Titus Roberts, p.75.

[71] Ibid.

[72] Letter from B. T. Roberts. Batavia Annual Conference, to Mrs. Roberts. Buffalo. September 9, 1853. Among Roberts' letters.

[73] Ibid.

[74] Letter from B. T. Roberts. Batavia Annual Conference, to Mrs. Roberts, Buffalo, September 9, 1853. Among Roberts' letters.

[75] Ibid.

[76] Letter from B. T. Roberts, Batavia Annual Conference, to Mrs. Roberts, Buffalo. September 12, 1853. Among Roberts' letters.

[77] Ibid.

[78] Ibid.

[79] Ibid.

[80] Ibid.

[81] Letter from Roberts, Batavia Annual Conference, to Mrs. Roberts, Buffalo, September 12,1853. Found among Roberts' letters.

[82] A. B. Hyde. op. cit., p.363.

[83] Letter from B. T. Roberts, Batavia, to Mrs. Roberts, Buffalo, September 12, 1853. Found among letters of Roberts family.

[84] Letter from Mrs. George Lane. Mt. Holly, to Mrs. Roberts. Buffalo, 1853. Found among personal letters of Roberts.

[85] Diary of B. T. Roberts, September 15, 1853. Quoted by B. H. Roberts, Benjamin Titus Roberts, p. 79.

[86] Diary of B. T. Roberts, January 28, 1853. Quoted by B. H. Roberts, Benjamin Titus Roberts, p. 71.

[87] Buffalo Christian Advocate, VIII, (January 1, 1857), 6.

[88] B. T. Roberts. Why Another Sect, (Rochester, New York: The Earnest Christian Office, 1879), pp. 105, its.

[89] B. T. Roberts, The Earnest Christian, IX (January 1,1885). 8.

[90] George Peck. Early Methodism within the Bounds of the Genesee Conference from 1788 to 1828. (New York: Carlton and Porter, 1860), p.471.

[91] Letter from Mrs. Roberts, Brockport, to Mrs. George Lane, October. 1853. Found among personal letters of Roberts family.

[92] Ibid.

[93] Ibid.

[94] Ibid.

[95] Ibid.

[96] Ibid.

[97] Ibid.

[98] Letter from B. T. Roberts, Brockport, to his father, October 18, 1853. Found among letters of the Roberts family.

[99] Ibid.

[100] Letter from Mrs. Lane, Mt. Holly, New Jersey, to Mrs. Roberts. Brockport, September 25, 1853. Found among personal letters of the Roberts family.

[101] Letter from B. T. Roberts to his father, October 18, 1853. Found among personal letters of the Roberts family.

[102] Ibid.

[103] Letter from B. T. Roberts. November 28, 1853. Quoted by B. H. Roberts, Benjamin Titus Roberts, p.84.

[104] Ibid.

[105] Letter from B. T. Roberts to his father, January 10, 1854. Quoted by B. H. Roberts. Benjamin Titus Roberts, pp. 88.87.

[106] Letter from B. T. Roberts to his father, January 22, 1854. Quoted by B. H. Roberts, Benjamin Titus Roberts, p.87.

[107] B. H. Roberts. Benjamin Titus Roberts, p.85.

[108] Letter from B. T. Roberts, to his wife, March 13,1854. Quoted by B. H. Roberts, Benjamin Titus Roberts, p.88.

[109] Ibid.

[110] Letter from B. T. Roberts, to his father. Titus Roberts, Gowanda, New York, 1854. Found among personal letters of Robert,.

[111] Diary of B. T. Roberts, September 3.1854. Quoted by B. H. Roberts, Benjamin Titus Roberts, p.97.

[112] Letter from B. T. Roberts, Brockport, to his father, Gowanda, August 17, 1854. Found among the personal letters of the Roberts family.

[113] Ibid.

[114] B. T. Roberts' letter to his wife at Brockport, September 7,1854. Found among personal letters of Roberts.

[115] Ibid.

[116] Ibid.

[117] B. T. Roberts' letter to his wife. Brockport, September 9, 1854. Found among personal letters of Roberts.

[118] Ibid.

[119] Letter from Roberts to his wife. written from Warsaw, September 11, 1854. Among personal letters of Roberts.

[120] Letter from B. T. Roberts to his father, September 18, 1854. Quoted by B. H. Roberts, op. cit., pp. 98, 99.

[121] F. W. Conable, op. cit., p.618.

[122] Ibid.

[123] Letter from Mrs. Lane to Mrs. Roberts, Brockport, June 19, 1855. Found among the personal letters of the Roberts family.

[124] Letter from B. T. Roberts, Brockport, to his father, Gowanda, July 3, 1855. Found among Roberts' personal letters.

[125] Ibid.

[126] Ibid.

[127] Ibid.

[128] John Robie, "Another Secret Society the Nazarites," Buffalo Advocate, VI, (July 19, 1853).

[129] Joseph McCreery "Nazarite Papers." Quoted by J. G. Terrill, "Genesee Conference Difficulties," The Free Methodist, XXIII, (August 6, 1890). 4.8.

[130] Ibid.

[131] Joseph McCreery, "Nazarite Papers." Quoted by Wilson T. Hogue, History the Free Methodist Church, (Chicago: The Free Methodist Publishing House, 1915), II, p.189.

[132] Ibid.

[133] Buffalo Christian Advocate, VI, (October '5, 1855). 2.

[134] John Robie, "Another Secret Society the Nazarites." Buffalo Christian Advocate, VI. (July 19. 1855).

[135] Letter from B. T. Roberts, Brockport, to his father, Gowanda, July 24, 1855. Among Roberts' letters and papers.

[136] Ibid.

[137] Ibid.

[138] Ibid.

[139]Letter from B. T. Roberts to his father, Gowanda, July 31.1865. Found among personal letters of Roberts.

[140] Letter from B. T. Roberts, Brockport, to his father, Gowanda, July 31. 1855. Found among personal letters of Roberts.

[141] Quoted by B. T. Roberts, Why Another Sect, (Rochester. New York: The Earnest Christian Publishing House, 1879), pp. 141, 142.

[142] Letter from B. T. Roberts to his father, written from Albion, New York, September 17, 1855. Found among the personal letters of the Roberts family.

[143] B. T. Roberts. Why Another Sect, (Rochester. New York: The Earnest Christian Publishing House, 1879). pp. 56, 57.

[144] Ibid., p.57.

[145] Ibid.

[146] George L. Curtis, Manuel of M. E. Church History, (New York: Hurt and Eaton. 1893), p. 204.

[147] John Robie, Buffalo Advocate. (July 19,1855). Quoted by B. T. Roberts. Why Another Sect, (Rochester, New York: The Earnest Christian Publishing House, 1879). p.58.

[148] Letter from J. W. Redfield, to Mr. and Mrs. Kendall. June 2, 1858. Quoted by J. G. Terrill, Life of John Wesley Redfield, M. D. (Chicago: Free Methodist Publishing House. 1899). p. 310.

[149] Ibid., pp. 311, 312.

[150] Ibid., p.312.

[151] Letter from Roberts to his father. Gowanda. November 14, 1855, written from Albion. Found among personal letters of Roberts.

[152] Ibid.

[153] Letter from B. T. Roberts to his father. written April 17.1858. Quoted by B. H. Roberts, op. cit., p.110.

[154] Paper found among personal letters of the Roberts family.

[155] Letter from Roberts, Albion to his father, Gowanda, May 9, 1856. Found among personal letters of Roberts.

[156] Quoted by B. T. Roberts. Why Another Sect, (Rochester. New York: The Earnest Christian Publishing House. 1879). p.66.

[157] Ibid., p. 68.

[158] Ibid., pp. 68, 89.

[159] S. K. J. Chesbrough, Defense of Roberts, (Buffalo: Clapp. Mathews and Co.'s Steam Printing House. 1858), p.5.

[160] B. T. Roberts, Why Another Sect, (Rochester, New York: The Earnest Christian Publishing House, 1879), p.69.

[161] The Buffalo Advocate. Quoted by B. T. Roberts, Why Another Sect, p.70.