A CHRONICLE
OF
The Asiatic and Egyptian Affairs, carried on from the
beginning of the times of the MACCHABEES,
until the Destruction of the Jewish Commonwealth under Vespasian.

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3202. Antiochus, son of Antiochus the Great, returned from Rome (where he was held hostage) and came to Athens. His brother Seleucus, by the treachery of Heliodorus was murdered. However, Eumenes and Attalus expelled Heliodorus, who planned to take over the kingdom of Syria. They gave Antiochus that kingdom. They hoped by this good turn, they might oblige him to be their friend. They began to grow jealous of the Romans through some small injustice they received. (Appian. in Syriac. p. 116, 117.)

3203. Demetrius, son of Seleucus, to whom the kingdom rightly belonged, was 10 years old and was held hostage at Rome at this time. Apollonius was raised with him and was a good friend of Seleucus. After the death of Seleucus, he left the court to Miletum. (Polyb. Legat. 114.) The Syrians called their new king Antiochus, "Epiphanes", or "Illustrious", because when strangers tried to take over the kingdom, he appeared bravely to his people in vindication of his ancestor's title. (Appia. in Syriac. p. 177.) Polybius thought he should be more correctly called "Epimanes" or "the frantic" because of his wild behaviour. (apud Atheneum l. 2. c. 2. l. 5. c. 4. & l. 10 c. 12.)

3204. When he became king of Syria, he behaved most unusually for a king. First he secretly left his royal palace and his servants knew nothing about it. He unadvisedly wandered about the city with only one or two companions with him. Moreover, he was pleased to talk and drink with the common people and with aliens and strangers of the lowest estate. If he heard of any young men that had a merry party, he came with his wine and music to the revels. This so startled those there at the strangeness of the action, that they either fled when he came or from fear sat still in silence. Lastly, he set aside his royal garment and put on a coat like the ones worn by the officials of Rome. He greeted every ordinary man that he met with and sometimes asked for a position of the edile or to be a tribune of the people. At last, by the will of the people, he obtained the place of a magistrate. According to the Roman custom, he sat in his ivory chair and gave judgment. He settled the law suits and disputes of the citizens with that industry and diligence that everyone who was wise, doubted his actions. Some think he was indiscrete, some imprudent and others mad. (Diod. Sic. in Excertp. Vales. p. 305, 306.) Atheneus also says the same things.(in the previously cited l. 5 c. 14. & l. 10. c. 12. from Polybius' histories, l. 26.) Livy also translated this into his 41st book, as one may see in that fragment, which Charles Sigonius falsely attributes to of Perseus.

3205. Antiochus began his reign in the 137th. and died in the 149th year of the kingdom of the Greeks (or of the Macedonians, from the time of Seleucus.) /APC 1Ma 1:10 6:16 Johannes Malela Antiochenus, in his Chronicle says he ruled 12 years but Porphyrie, Eusebius, Jerome, Sulpitius Severus and others say only 11. To reconcile this we must say that at the end of the 137th year Antiochus began to rule and at the beginning of the 149th year (from the spring of the season, as this author uses to reckon) he ended his reign, (viz.) 11 years plus a few months.

3206. Antiochus was not at the first acknowledged king by those that favoured Ptolemy Philometor. Some time later he obtained the title under the pretence of clemency, as Jerome states in his commentary upon the 11th chapter of Daniel. He made an alliance with Eumenes and powerfully ruled over Syria and the neighbouring nations. The government of Babylon was committed to Timarchus but the custody of the treasury to Heraclidas' brother. The two brethren were united together by immoral commerce. (Appian. in Syriac. p. 117.)

3207. Hyrcanus, the son of Joseph, and grandchild of Tobias saw Antiochus become very strong. He feared least he come under his kingdom and would be punished for what he had done against the Arabians. He killed himself and Antiochus seized his whole estate. (Josephus, l. 12. c. 4.)

3208. Jason, son of Simon the 2nd, high priest, was weary of the high priesthood of Onias the 3rd, his brother. So that he might obtain the priesthood himself, he promised Antiochus 360 talents of silver and 80 talents from other sources. Moreover he added 150 more talents if he was given authority to set up a gymnasium to train the youth at Jerusalem and subdue those of Jerusalem into the same conditions of the citizens of Antioch. The covetous king readily agreed to these conditions. Jason removed his brother Onias and became the high priest. When he had taken over the government, he began to treat his own country men like Greeks and he eliminated the royal privileges granted of special favour to the Jews obtained through John the father of Eupolemus who later went to be an ambassador to Rome. He put down the governments which were according to law and he brought in new customs which were contrary to the law. /APC 2Ma 4:7-11 Josephus affirms this that Onias the 3rd who died about the time was removed and replaced by his brother Jesus who wished to be called Jason. After 3 years, Jason was removed from the high priesthood, by the actions of Menelaus, the new high priest and Tobais' sons (or grandchildren of Hyrcanus' brother.) The Greek customs were introduced. (Joseph. Antiq. l. 12. c. 5.) However, the same writer, in his small treatise of the Maccabees, states the matters differently and close enough to the Maccabian account (except for the error in the annual tribute):

``Antiochus removed Onias from the high priesthood and substituted Jason his brother. He promised to pay him yearly 3660 talents. When he became priest and leader of the people, he subdued the nation and abandoned their ancient manners and institutions and led them into all iniquity. He established a gymnasium in the fortress of our country and abolished the care of the temple.''

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3209. In the 7th year of Philometor, 574th year of Nabonasser and the 27th Phamenoth according to the Egyptians, (May 1st) the moon was eclipsed 2 hours after midnight at Alexandria. (Ptol. l. 6. c. 5.)

3210. The Greeks made a 6 month truce in their hostilities. Later a more serious war started. However, when Q. Minutius the legate came with 10 ships from the Romans to settle their disputes, they again hoped for peace. (Livy, l. 41.)

3211. About the same time, Eumenes incited the Lycians to revolt from the Rhodians. Eumenes' garrisons attacked certain citadels and lands located in the utmost bounds of the opposite continent of the Rhodians. (Polyb. Legat. 61. & 67. Livy l. 41, 42.)

3212. Certain apostate Jews who agreed with Onias the false high priest, procured the authority from king Antiochus of living according to the ordinances of the Gentiles and erected a gymnasium beneath the very tower of Sion. They forced the main young men to submit to the laws of the school, by wearing an hat and by concealing their circumcision. When they were fighting naked they would still look like Greeks. So popular were the Greek fashions and the increase of heathen customs, that the priests had no courage to serve any more at the altar. They despised the temple and neglected the sacrifices. They eagerly became involved in the games. /APC 1Ma 1:11,15 2Ma 4:12,15 cf. (Josephus, l. 12. c. 6.)

3213. When Antiochus attended the games that were held every 5th year at Tyre, the impious Jason sent special messengers there from Jerusalem who were inhabitants of the city of Antioch, to carry 300 or (as it is much more correctly in the manuscript book of the Earl of Arundel's library ) 3300 drachmes of silver to the sacrifice of Hercules. However, the bearers of the money used it to build ships. /APC 2Ma 4:18-20

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3214. The ambassadors sent from king Antiochus came to Rome. The head of the delegation was Apollonius whom the Roman ambassadors who were in Syria said was highly regarded by the king and most friendly to the Roman people. When they came into the senate, the brought the tribute due from the king. They excused the late payment of it. They also brought as a gift vessels of gold weighing 500 pounds. Apollonius added:

``The king requested that the society and friendship which was with his father, should be renewed with himself. The Roman people should lay such injunctions on him as were to be imposed on a faithful and confederate king. He would in no wise be lacking in any service to them. He noted that the attitudes of the senate were so great toward him while he was at Rome and such the civility of the youth that he was treated by all as a king and not as an hostage.''

3215. The ambassadors received a kind answer and A. Attilius, mayor of the city, was asked to renew with Antiochus that league which was with his father. The treasurers of the city received the money, the censers and the golden vessels. It was committed to their charge to distribute to such temples as should be thought fitting. The ambassador was sent a reward of an 100,000 pieces of coin. His lodging was given to him gratis and his expenses paid while he stayed in Italy. (Livy l. 42.)

3216. Antiochus had a son, Antiochus Eupator born to him. He died at the age of 9 years. (Appian. Syriac. p. 117. & 131.)

3217. Cleopatra, the beloved mother of Ptolemy Philometor, the daughter of Antiochus the Great and the sister of Antiochus Epiphanes died. She had received from her father as a dowry, Coelosyria, (or at least a great part of it.) Eulaius the Eunuch, foster-father of Philometor and Lomus was governing Egypt. He demanded Coelosyria from Antiochus Epiphanes since he claimed it was fraudulently seized. This was the basis of the war between the uncle and the youth, as Porphyrie relates from the Alexandrian Histories of Callinicus Sutorius, (in Jerome on Da 11) The justification for Philometor in re-demanding Coelosyria, was that Antiochus the Great, father of Epiphanes, unjustly took away Coelosyria from Ptolemy Epiphanes, father of Philometor, when he was under age. Later Antiochus restored it to him with his daughter Cleopatra as her dowry. Antiochus Epiphanes on the contrary asserted that from the time when his father overcame the father of Philometor at Parium, Coelosyria was always subject to the kings of Syria and firmly denied that it was given by his father to Cleopatra the mother of Philometor for her dowry. (Polyg. Legat. 72. & 82.)

3218. At that time Philometor began to reign and the coronation ceremonies were performed. /APC 2Ma 4:21 Ptolemy, son of Dorymenis surnamed Macron, displayed his wisdom. When he had received the government of the island of Cyprus when the king was a child, he gave nothing of the king's money to the stewards. When the king became of age, he sent an enormous amount of money to Alexandria. The king and all the courtiers very highly commended his former parsimony. (Polyb. l. 27. in the collections of Valesius, p. 126.)

3219. Antiochus sent to Egypt Apollonius, son of Menestheus, to the coronation of Philometor the king. When he knew that he was in disfavour with Philometer, he fortified himself against him. When he came to Joppa, he took his journey to Jerusalem. He was honourably received by Jason and the city. He entered the city by torch light and with great shoutings. From there Antiochus went into Phoenicia with his army. /APC 2Ma 4:21,22

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3220. Three years after Jason was made the high priest by Antiochus, he sent Menelaus, the brother of Simon the Benjamite a traitor, that he might bring to the king the promised money and advise him of necessary affairs. Menelaus used the opportunity of his embassy for his own advantage in the same way Jason usurped his brother Onias, Menelaus usurped Jason. He promised the king 300 talents of silver more than what Jason promised so that he would be the high priest instead of Jason. (/APC 2Ma 4:23-25 Sever. Sulpic. Histor. Sacr. l. 2.) Josephus states that Menelaus was first called Onias and was brother to Onias the 3rd and to Jason himself and the youngest son of Simon, the second, the high priest. (Antiq. l. 12. c. 6. cf. l. 15. c. 3.)

3221. When Menelaus secured the government of Judah, he expelled Jason into the country of the Ammonites. He did not pay any of the money which he had promised to the king. /APC 2Ma 4:25-27

3222. When Cius Popilius Lenas and Publius Aelius Ligur were consuls, Valerius Antias states that Attalus, the brother of Eumenes came to Rome. He accused Perseus, the king of the Macedonians of crimes and wanted to know who was backing his war effort. The Annals of the most, and such to whom you would give the better credit, affirm that Eumenes came in person to Rome. Eumenes was entertained with the highest honour and brought into the senate. He said that the reason he came to Rome, besides the desire of seeing the gods and men by whose benefit he was in such a good state was that he might publicly advise the senate to oppose the actions of Perseus. (Livy l. 42. Appian. Legat, 25. a Fulv. Ursino, edit.) This matter was kept so secret that before the war was finished and Perseus taken prisoner, it was not known what Eumenes said or what the senate replied. (Livy l. 42. Valer. Maximus, l. 2. c. 2.)

3223. Some days later, Satyrus a leader of the ambassadors of the Rhodians, accused Eumenes before the senate. He said Eumenes had stirred up the country of the Lycians against the Rhodians and was more troublesome in Asia than Antiochus. Although he made a good speech, Eumenes was still held in high regard by the Romans. He was given all honours, most generous gifts with a chariot of state and an ivory staff. (Livy l. 42. Diod. Sic. 9. Legat 16. a Fulv. Ursino, edit.)

3224. Eumenes, returned from Rome into his kingdom. He left Cirra for the temple of Delphi that he might sacrifice to Apollo. On the way he was ambushed by men hired by Perseus. They tumbled down two vast stones on him. One bruised the king's head and the other injured his shoulder. They heaped many stones on him after he fell from a steep place. The next day, when he revived, his friends brought him to the ship. From there they sailed to Corinth. From Corinth, their ships were carried over the neck of the isthmus to Aegina. His recovery was kept so secret that the news of his death was reported to Asia and Rome. (Livy l. 42. Appian. Legat. 25.)

3225. Attalus gave more credit to these reports than he should. He did not confer with the governor of the citadel of Pergamos as to who should be the next king. He assumed the kingdom and married Stratonice, his brother's wife, the daughter of Ariarathes, king of the Cappadocians. He rushed too quickly into her embraces. Not long afterwards, he heard that his brother lived and was coming to Pergamos. He set aside his diadem. He with the guard, according to custom, went to meet Eumenes and carried an halberd. Eumenes greeted him in a friendly and honourable manner. He cheerfully greeted the queen. However he whispered nevertheless into his brother's ear:

Until thou seest that I am dead, Approach not rashly to my bed.

3226. Eumenes treated Attalus with the same friendship as before for the rest of his life in spite of these events. (Livy l. 42. Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Valesi. p. 306. Plutarch in Apophthegm & l. pei fladelfia

3227. For the recent wickedness of Perseus against him and for ancient hatred between their countries, Eumenes prepared a war with all his strength. Ambassadors came to him from Rome and congratulated him on his escape from so great a danger. (Livy l. 42.)

3228. After that, Ariarathes king of the Cappadocians, had by his wife Antiochis, daughter to Antiochus the Great, two daughters, and one son. The son was first named Mithredates and then called Ariarathes. His wife thought she would be barren and had procured two other sons for him. The king sent Ariarathes the older with a good estate to Rome. The younger was called Olophernes or Orophernes and was sent into Ionia. He did not want them to contend with his genuine son about the kingdom. (Diod. Sic. l. 31. in Photii. Bibliothec. cod. 244.) This year therefore he sent Ariarathes his genuine son to be educated at Rome and that from a child he might be accustomed to the manners and men of Rome. He requested that they would permit him to be not under the custody of hosts as is the custom of private individuals. He wanted him under the charge of public care and tuition. The embassy of the king was well received by the senate. They decreed that Cieius Sicinius the mayor, should appoint a furnished house where the king's son and his retinue might live. (Livy l. 42.)

3229. The Romans sent ambassadors to their confederate kings, Eumenes, Antiochus, Ariarathes, Masanissa and Ptolemy, king of Eygpt. Others were sent into Greece, Thessalie, Epirus, Acarnania and the islands. They were to unite in a war against Perseus. (Appian. Legat. 25.) T. Claudius Nero and M. Decimius were sent to verify the loyalty of Asia and the islands. They were commanded also to go to Crete and Rhodes to renew their friendships. They were to discover whether the minds of their confederates had been courted by king Perseus. (Livy l. 42.)

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3230. When delegates that had been sent to the confederate kings had returned from Asia, they stated that they had conferred with Eumenes in Asia, Antiochus in Syria and Ptolemy in Alexandria. All of them had been solicited by the embassies of Perseus but had remained loyal to the Romans and promised to do what the Romans thought best. Likewise they reported that the confederate cities remained loyal with the possible exception of Rhodes who were inclined toward Perseus. The Rhodian ambassadors came to clear themselves of these charges which they knew were circulating as rumours. It was thought fitting that when the new consuls entered their office that a senate should be convened for them. (Livy l. 42.)

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3231. The consuls, P. Licinius, and C. Cassius, with all the kings and cities in Asia and Europe now turned their attention to the pending war between Macedonia and Rome. Eumenes was eager for the war because of ancient animosities between the two peoples and because Perseus had almost killed him at Delphi. Prusias king of Bithynia, resolved to stay out of the conflict. He did not think it proper to fight with the Romans against his wife's brother. If Perseus should win, he could easily obtain pardon through his wife who was the sister to Perseus. Ariarathes king of the Cappadocians promised to help the Romans. He had an alliance with Eumenes and joined all councils of war and peace. Antiochus eyed the kingdom of Egypt for he despised the youth of the king and the sloth of his tutors. He thought the dispute over Coelosyria would be a good reason for the war against Egypt. He could fight this war while the Romans were busy in the Macedonian war. However, he generously promised help to all the kings through his own delegates to the senate and to their ambassadors. The young Ptolemy was still controlled by his tutors. They prepared for war against Antiochus to retake Coelosyria. They also made generous promises for the Macedonian war. (Livy l. 42.) Ptolemy king of Egypt, Ariarathes of Cappadocia, Eumenes of Asia and Masanissa of Numidia all helped the Romans. (Oros. l. 4. c. 20.)

3232. Three ambassadors, A. Posthumius Albinus, C. Decius and A. Licvinius Nerva, were sent from the Romans to the Greeks who sent archers for the war. (Livy l. 42.)

3233. Three other ambassadors, T. Clausius Tiberius, P. Posthuminus and M. Junius were sent into the islands and the cities of Asia. These were to urge their confederates to help fight against Perseus. They concentrated their efforts on the larger cities first for they knew that the smaller cities would follow the lead of the larger ones. The Rhodians were judged to be the wealthiest and have the most business interests in that region. They supplied 40 ships by the authority of Hegesilochus who was at that time in the Prytanis or head of the government. As soon as he knew the Romans planned to wage war with Perseus, he exhorted his citizens that they should ally themselves with the Romans. They should send the same help to the Romans they gave in the war with Antiochus and before that, with Philip. The Rhodians should enlist the help of their naval allies to assemble this fleet. They should eagerly do this to effectively kill the rumours spread by Eumenes against them. As a result of this when the ambassadors from Rome came, the Rhodians showed them a fleet of 40 ships prepared and equipped for war. Their action had a great influence on the rest of the cities of Asia. (Livy l. 42. Polyb. Legat. 64.)

3234. After Perseus had a conference with the Romans, he wrote all the reasons supporting his position and what the other side alleged. This was so contrived to put him in a favourable light. This was copied and sent by couriers to the other cities. However, he ordered Antenor and Philip to go as ambassadors to Rhodes. When they came there, they gave the letters to the magistrates. After a few days the senate received a request from the Rhodians that for the present they would not get involved in this war on either side. If the Romans should undertake against the laws of the league to war with Perseus and the Macedonians, that they should endeavour to bring them to terms of the agreement which was in everyone's interest. The Romans should be more intent than others on preserving law and liberty since they were the guardians of the liberty of Greece and Rhodes. Therefore they ought to enforce the compliance of those who were not so inclined. When the ambassadors had spoken these things, their speech seemed reasonable to all. However the opposing side prevailed. On the other points, they yielded courteously toward the ambassadors. As a reply they requested Perseus, not to demand anything that would be against the will of the Romans. Antenor did not accept this and used the courtesy of the Rhodians to return into Macedonia. (Polyb. Legat. 65. Livy l. 42.)

3235. While the navy stayed around Cephalenia, Caius Lucretius the Roman praetor sent letters with the Romans requesting the ships to be sent to him. He gave that letter to Socrates the anointer of the wrestlers, to deliver. This came to Rhodes at the same time, when Strutocles was president of the counsel or Prytanis, for the later half of the year. When the matter was debated, it seemed fitting to Agathagetus, Rhodophon, Astymedes and many others that the Rhodians without any further delay should send those ships and ally themselves with the Romans. However, Dino and Polyeratus who did not approve of those things which had before been decreed in favour of the Romans, argued that the letter was not sent from the Romans but from Eumenes, the enemy of the Rhodians. Eumenes was determined to get them into the war and engage the people in unnecessary charges and troubles. They said that the letter was brought by an obscure person, an anointer of wrestlers to Rhodes. However the Romans use great care to pick out men of the choicest rank for such a task. Strutocles, the chief officer or Prytanis opposed these men and spoke much against Perseus and generously commended the Romans. He prevailed with the Rhodians that a decree of sending the ships should be made. Therefore of the 6 ships that were ready, they sent 5 under the command of Timagoras to Chalcis and one to Tenedos, under the command of the other Timagoras. This man could not take Diophanes himself whom he found at Tenedos when he was sent from Perseus to Tenedos. However, he took the ship with all its equipment. (Polyb. Legat. 67.)

3236. The Romans heard from the embassy that came from Asia about the state of the Rhodians and the rest of the cities. They convened a senate for the ambassadors of Perseus. (Livy l. 42. Legat, 68.) At that time therefore, Solon and Hippias endeavoured to relate all the affairs and to lessen the tension. However, they defended the crime and treachery against Eumenes with special zeal because the matter was well known. When they had finished their speech, the senate, who had before decreed the war, denounced them and whoever else had happened to come from Macedonia to Rome. They should immediately depart from the walls of Rome and within 30 days be out of Italy. (Legat, 68. Diod. Sic. Legat. 17. Livy l. 42.)

3237. Notice was sent to Eumenes that he should with his uttermost strength help in the war against Perseus. (Justin, l. 33. c. 1.) He came to Chalcis in Baeotia by sea with Attalus and Atheneus, his brothers. His brother Philetaetus stayed at Pergamos to safeguard the kingdom. From there with Attalus and 4000 foot soldiers and 1000 cavalry, he came into Thessalia to Licinius the consul. Atheneus was left at Chalcis with 2000 foot soldiers. When Marius Lucretius came there with an army of 10,000 sea soldiers, he took these troops with him to the siege of Holiartus. (Livy l. 42.)

3238. About the same time, warships arrived at Chalcis from their other confederates, 2 Phoenician ships of 5 tiers of oars, 2 from Heraclea from Pontus of 3 tiers of oars, 4 from Chalcedon and as many from Samos. Moreover, Rhodes sent 5 ships of 4 tiers of oars. (Livy l. 42.) C. Leucretius, the praetor and brother of Marcus, returned the ships to the confederates when he saw there would be no naval war. (Livy l. 42. Polyb. Legat. 67. fin.) However, the praetor with his brother attacked Haliartus. After it surrendered to him, he levelled it to the ground and then, without any opposition, took Thebes. (Livy l. 42.)

3239. While these affairs were happening in Baeotia, Licinius the consul, Eumenes and Attalus in Thessalia, engaged Perseus. In the first conflict no one won a clear victory. About 38 men were killed of Eumenes' side, including Cassignatus, the captain of the Gauls. In the second battle Perseus won. (Livy l. 42.) Even though he won and asked for peace from Livinius, he did not get it. (Livy l. 42. Polyb. Legat. 69. Appian. Legat. 26.)

3240. Perseus sent Antenor to Rhodes for the redemption of the captives that sailed with Diophanes. In this business, there was a long discussion by them, who governed the country about what ought to be done. It seemed best to Piplophron and Theueretus, that the Rhodians should not entangle themselves in the affairs of Perseus. However Dinon and Polyaratus wanted to. At last they came to an agreement with Perseus concerning the captives. (Polyb. Legat, 70.)

3241. When Antiochus clearly saw Egypt preparing to wage war for Coelosyria, he sent Meleager as an ambassador to Rome. Through him he declared to the senate that he was wrongly invaded and Ptolemy was an ally of Rome as he was. Allies should not be fighting with each other. (Polyb. Legat. 70, 71.)

3242. When the war started between Antiochus and Ptolemy because of Coelosyria, the ambassadors of both kings came to Rome. Antiochus sent Meleager, Sosiphanes and Heraclides. Ptolemy sent Timothy and Damon. Meleager came that he might tell the senate that Ptolemy first wrongly provoked Antiochus and wanted to put him from a country that was rightfully his. Timothy was sent to renew the friendship with the Romans and to watch Meleager's dealings with the Romans. When he had renewed the friendship and received answers agreeable to his requests, he returned to Alexandria. The senate told Meleager that they would have Quintus Marcius write to Ptolemy about those matters as he should see expedient for the interest of the people of Rome and his own trust. (Polyb. Legat. 72. Diod. Sic. Legat. 18.)

3243. Between Peleusium and Mount Casius, Antiochus defeated Ptolemy's commanders. He spared the king because of his youth and pretended to be his friend. He went up to Memphis and took over the kingdom. He said that he would be careful about the affairs of the land. So with a small company of people, he subdued all of Egypt. (Porphyries ex Callinco Sutorio, apud Jerome on Da 11) At this time, Ptolemy Macron the son of Dorymenes, to whom Philometor had committed the government of Cyprus seems to have defected to Antiochus and surrendered to him the island. /APC 2Ma 10:13 Thereupon the care of Cyprus was committed to Crates. /APC 2Ma 4:29 He made Ptolemy the governor of Coelosyria and Phoenicia. (/APC 2Ma 8:8) and admitted him into his inner circle of friends. /APC 1Ma 3:38

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3244. Jubilee 26.

3245. Perseus was defeated by Lycinius the consul, Eumenes, Attalus and Misagenes, duke of the Numidians. When Perseus came to Pella, he sent his army into their winter quarters. The consul returned to Latissa and sent Eumenes and Attalus home. He placed Misagenes with his Numidians and the rest of his army in their winter quarters throughout Thessalie. (Livy l. 42.)

3246. Sostratus, the governor of the citadel of Jerusalem was in charge of collecting the king's revenues there. When he requested the money promised to Antiochus by Menelaus both of them were summoned by the king to Antioch. Menelaus left his brother Lysimachus in charge of the high priesthood. Sostratus left in his place, Crates, who was governor of the Cypriotes. /APC 2Ma 4:27-29.

3247. In Cilicia, the men of Tarsus and Mallos revolted because Antiochus had given the revenue of their cities to Antiochis, his concubine. The king quickly came to appease them and left Andronicus in charge at Antioch. /APC 2Ma 4:30,31

3248. Menelaus took advantage of the king's absence. With the help of Lysimachus, the king's deputy, he stole some gold vessels from the temple at Jerusalem. Some he gave to Andronicus and some he sold in Tyre and the surrounding cities. When Onias the 3rd and the legal high priest knew of this, he impeached Menelaus for this sacrilege. He hid himself in a sanctuary at Daphne that lies near Antioch. (/APC 2Ma 4:32,33) There was in the middle of the woods a sanctuary dedicated to Apollo. (Strabo l. 16. p. 750.) This spacious facility was built by Antiochus. (Ammia. Marcellin. l. 22.)

3249. Andronicus, at the request of Menelaus, had Onias leave the sanctuary and promised him his safety. However, he had him murdered. /APC 2Ma 4:34

3250. When Antiochus returned from Cilicia to Antioch, the Jews which were in the city and many of other countries, complained to him of the unjust murder of the most holy old man. Antiochus was deeply moved to tears and commanded Andronicus to be disrobed and lead around the city. He was slain in the same place where he had murdered Onias. (/APC 2Ma 4:35-38)

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3251. After many sacrileges had been committed at Jerusalem by Lysimachus with the consent of Menelaus, the people assembled against Lysimachus since many gold vessels were already taken away. To protect himself, he gathered 3000 troops under Tyrannus. He was an old and foolish man. In the riot, some picked up stones, some large clubs, some picked up dust and threw this on Lysimachus and his soldiers. In the uproar, many were wounded, some were killed and the rest fled. Lysimachus was killed near the treasury. (/APC 2Ma 4:39-42)

3252. When Antiochus came to Tyre, three men were sent from the elders at Jerusalem to testify against Menelaus as a partner in the sacrileges and wickedness of Lysimachus. However even though Menelaus was convicted, the king freed him when he was promised large sums of money by Ptolemy, the son of Dorymenes. Through Ptolemy, he was acquitted and allowed to continue as the high priest. The three innocent persons who pleaded for the city, people and the holy vessels were condemned to die. The men of Tyre gave them a magnificent funeral. (/APC 2Ma 4:44-50)

3253. About that time, Antiochus prepared his second expedition into Egypt. It happened at Jerusalem that for 40 days, strange visions of armed horsemen and of foot soldiers in battle were seen in the air portending their future problems. /APC 2Ma 5:1-4

3254. Antiochus planned to add the kingdom of Egypt to his own. He entered Egypt with a numerous company, with chariots, with elephants, with horsemen and a great navy. He made war against Ptolemy, king of Egypt who turned and fled away. Many were killed. Afterward they seized the fortified cities in the land and Antiochus took the spoils of Egypt. /APC 1Ma 1:16-19

3255. A false rumour of Antiochus' death was circulated. Jason took with him no less than 1000 men and made a surprise attack on the city of Jerusalem. Menelaus fled into the citadel, but Jason slaughtered his own citizens and was not ashamed of this. However, he could not take over the government but fled away in shame. He returned back into the country of the Ammonites. He was accused before Aretus, the king of the Arabians and dared not show his face there. He was forced to flee from one city to another and was hated by all men because he forsook their laws. He was made a public enemy of his own country. /APC 2Ma 5:5-8

3256. Antiochus heard in Egypt that the rumour of his death made the people of Jerusalem very glad. He suspected by the rebellion of Jason that Judea would revolt and was very angry. (/APC 2Ma 5:11 Josephus in Libello de Maccabais) After that he had subdued Egypt in the 143rd year of the Greeks or Seleucus, he went up against Israel and Jerusalem with a great multitude. /APC 1Ma 1:20,21

3257. Josephus (Antiq. l. 12. c. 7) writes that in the 143rd year of the Seleucians, he took the city without a battle. The men of his own faction opened the gates to him. However, in /APC 2Ma 7 the city is said to have been taken by force of arms. Josephus in his first book and first chapter of the wars of the Jews, says that he took the city by force and adds that he was enraged with the memory of those things which he had endured in the siege. Moreover, while Antiochus besieged the city, the men of Jerusalem made an attack against him and were slain in the conflict, as Josephus affirms, in the sixth book of the same works. (p. 929.)

3258. When the city was captured, the soldiers were ordered to kill anyone they met. Cruelly, they slew all sorts regardless of age or sex. In three days, 80,000 men were missing, 40,000 of whom were killed and the rest sold into slavery. /APC 2Ma 5:11-14

3259. Antiochus was not content with this and he went into the temple. Menelaus who betrayed their laws and country was his guide. He wickedly seized the holy vessels, and whatever else was dedicated by other kings to the glory and honour of the place. /APC 2Ma 5:15,16 He took the golden altar, the candlesticks of light with all its vessels, the table of the shewbread, the pouring vessels, the vials, the censers of gold and the vail. He removed the crowns and the golden ornaments that were fastened to the temple doors. He pulled off the gold from everything that was covered with gold. He stole all the silver, lovely vessels and all the hidden treasures which he found. /APC 1Ma 1:23,24

3260. Polybius Megapolitanus, Strabo Cappadox, Nicolaus Damascenus, Timagenes Castor Chronographus and Apollodorus, wrote that Antiochus was short of money and broke his league. He assaulted the Jews, his confederates and friends and plundered the temple that was full of gold and silver and spared nothing of value. (Josephus contr. Apion. l. 2.) His huge tribute to the Romans, forced him to gather money by pillaging and not to miss any opportunity of plundering. (Sever. Sulpic. Sacr. Histor. l. 2.) Those who were the enemies of the Jews affirm that many other things were done by him because he hated the Jews and had contempt for their religion. In the 34th book of Diodorus' Bibliotheca and from there in Photii. Bibliotheca (cod. 244.) this is stated:

``When Antiochus Epiphanes had overcome the Jews, he entered into the holy Oracle of God where the priests only might lawfully go. He found there a stone statue of a man with a long beard, holding a book in his hand and sitting on an ass. He thought him to be Moses who built Jerusalem, founded the nation and established those laws that are hated in all nations. He desired to remove this reproach to the nations and endeavoured to abrogate the laws. Therefore he sacrificed a great sow to the statue of the founder, Moses. He poured blood on the altar of God, that stood in the open air and on the statue. He seethed the flesh and commanded the holy books that contained their laws to be marred and obliterated with the broth. He commanded the eternal flame which always burned in the temple to be put out. He compelled Menelaus the high priest and other Jews to eat swine's flesh.''

3261. However, in the light of these actions we disagree with the testimony of Strabo the Cappadocian, in the 16th book of his Geography, where he commends the Jews, as just and religious persons. (dikaiopzanp cg zxosebxid pd dlhqpj ontxr p. 761.)

3262. When Antiochus captured the city, he sacrificed swine on the altar and with the broth of its flesh he sprinkled the temple. (Josephus Antiq. l. 13. c. 16.)

3263. Antiochus carried 1800 talents from the temple and quickly returned to Antioch. He appointed governors to vex the country, at Jerusalem, Philip, by birth a Phrygian, by manner a barbarian, at Gerizim in Samaria, Andronicus. In addition to these he left Menelaus who was worse than all the rest to rule the citizens with a heavy hand and had a most malicious attitude against the Jews. /APC 2Ma 5:21-23.

3264. The ambassadors of Asia were heard in the senate at Rome. The Milesians remembered that they had done nothing and promised that they were ready to do whatever the senate should command them to help the war against Perseus. The Alabandenses remembered that they had erected the temple of the city of Rome and instituted anniversary games to the goddess. They brought a golden crown weighing 50 pounds as a gift to Jupiter which they might place in the capitol. They also gave 300 shields for horsemen which they would deliver to whom they would command them. The Lampsaceni brought an 80 pound crown and requested:

``How that they defected from Perseus when the Roman army came into Macedonia. They were under the jurisdiction of Perseus and before of Philip. In respect to this and for turning all things over to the Roman commanders, they requested only that they might be received into the friendship of the Roman people. If a peace should be made with Perseus, they wished to be no longer under Perseus' authority.''

3265. There was a civil answer returned to the rest of the delegates. Quintus Moenius the praetor, was commanded to enrol the Lampsaceni after the manner of associates. Rewards were given to them all, amounting to more than 2000 pieces of coin to each of them. The Alabandenses were commanded to carry back the shields to A. Hostilius the consul in Macedonia. (Livy l. 43.)

3835a AM, 4544 JP, 170 BC

3266. It was decided by the common consent of the Achaeans that all the honours of Eumenes which were unseemly and repugnant to the laws should be taken away. Sosigenes and Diopithes from Rhodes were there about private legal matters. They were offended by Eumenes and destroyed all his honours in the city of Peloponnesus. (Polyb. Legat. 74.)

3835 AM, 4545 JP, 169 BC

3267. While A. Hostilius the proconsul with his forces wintered in Thessalie, Attalus who wintered at that time at Elatia, was informed that his brother, Eumenes took it most grievously that by a public decree they had taken away his most splendid honours. After telling the matter to Archon, the praetor of the Achaei, he sent ambassadors to the common council of the country. He was to negotiate with them concerning restoring the honours to the king again. Thereupon by the persuasion of Polybius (the historian) a decree was made that the magistrates were commanded to renew all things that pertained unto the honour of Eumenes. Those honours that did not well agree with the common interest of the Achaeans or were repugnant to the laws were not to be restored. Therefore Attalus at that time rectified those miscarriages which were rashly committed at Peloponnesus concerning his brother Eumenes' honour. (Polyb. Legat. 74. & in Excerpt. Valesi. p. 130, 133.)

3268. At the beginning of the spring, Q. Marcius Philippus, the consul, was sent against Perseus. (Livy l. 44. init.)

3269. A decree was published by the Achaeans, concerning the sending of auxiliaries to Marcius the consul, which was brought to him by Polybius. Theoeritus an ambassador was sent from them to Attalus. He was to bring to him that decree whereby the honours of Eumenes were restored to him. At the same time, the Achaeans heard that the Anacleteria had been celebrated in honour of Ptolemy the king, as is the custom for the kings of Egypt when they come to the legal age. As a token of their joy in this, they sent ambassadors for the renewing of that friendship which was between the Achaeans and the kings of Egypt. Alcithus and Persidas were chosen to do this. (Polyb. Legat. 78.)

3270. About that time there was a wicked act and most abhorrent to the institutions of the Greeks done in the island of Crete. Between the Cydoniates and Apolloniates there was a common bond of friendship and a league of peace. When the tables of that league were ratified on each side by oath there were fastened to the image of Jupiter Idaeus for all to see. In spite of this, Cydoniates in the time of peace when they were treated by the Apolloniates as friends, broke the league. They surprised their city, killed all the men with the sword, spoiled their goods. They divided among themselves their wives, children and all their land. (Polyb. & Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. in Valesib, edit. p. 133. & 310.)

3271. The Cydoniates were afraid of the Gortynians. Previously their city was almost taken by a surprise attack by Nothocrates. They sent ambassadors to Eumenes asking for help based on their league with him. The king chose Leon as captain, whom he sent speedily there with a band of 300 soldiers. When those forces came, the Cydoniates delivered the keys of the gates to Leon and put the whole city under his control. (Polyb. Legat. 79.)

3272. When by the urging of Eulaius the eunuch, Ptolemy started a new war to recover Coelosyria. Antiochus made his third expedition into Egypt and subdued it. (Polyb. Legat. 80-82.) When the Egyptians fled, Antiochus could have killed them all with his cavalry. Antiochus restrained his troops and ordered that they should be taken alive. For this kindness, he gained both Peleusium and a little later all of Egypt. (Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Valesi. p. 320.)

3273. While the opposing factions at Rhodes daily increased, after they had heard that at Rome it was decreed by the senate that from now on those things were to be done according to the dictates of the senate and not their own magistrates. Philophron and Theaetetus persuaded them to send ambassadors to Rome. At the beginning of the summer, Hegesilochus, son of Hegesias and Nicagoras son of Nicander, were sent as ambassadors to Rome. Agesipolis, Ariston and Pancrates were sent to the consul, Q. Marcius Philippus and to C. Marcius Figulus the admiral of the fleet. All these were commanded to renew the friendship with the Roman people and to answer the accusations of some against Rhodes. Hegesilochus was moreover ordered to request permission to send grain. Agesipolis overtook Q. Marcius who was camped at Heraclea in Macedonia. When he had delivered his commands, the consul said he gave no credit to those who slandered the Rhodians and asked the ambassadors not to put up with anyone that did those things. He treated them very kindly and wrote concerning this to the Roman people. Agesipolis was overwhelmed with the courtesy of the consul. Marcius took him into a private meeting. He said he admired that the Rhodians did not try to reconcile the kings that fought for Coelosyria for it was not in their place to do so. Later Agesipolis went unto Caius, the admiral of the fleet and was more favourably entertained by him than he was by Marcius. He returned to Rhodes a short time later. He related what had happened and how well he was treated by both of the Roman commanders. All the Rhodians were encouraged and taken with a vain hope but not in the same way. Most of the older ones were very pleased for the friendship of the Romans. The younger ones were troubled by these actions. They thought that this excessive kindness of the Romans was a sign that they were terrified with the imminent danger and matters were not unfolding as they should. Later Agesipolis sided against them and was secretly taking orders from Marcius to make a proposition in the senate of the Rhodians of making a peace treaty agreement between the kings. Dinon made no question but the affairs of the Romans were in a most dreadful mess. Therefore ambassadors were sent to Alexandria to conclude the war between Antiochus and Ptolemy. (Polyb. Legat. 80.)

3274. Towards the end of the summer, Hegesilochus and other ambassadors from Rhodes came to Rome and were very graciously entertained. It was well known the Rhodians were divided with civil disputes. Agathagetus, Philophron, Rhodophon and Theaetetus, placed all their hopes in the Romans. On the contrary, Dinon and Polyaratus trusted in Perseus and the Macedonians. It frequently happened that when the matters were debated equally well on either side and with different conclusions, the senate ignored the internal differences at Rhodes although they were well aware of them. They granted a licence to them to export 100,000 bushels of wheat from Sicily. (Polyb. Legat. 64, 73. & 80.)

3275. After Egypt was subdued by Antiochus, Comanus and Cineas discussed with king Ptolemy what they should do. It was decided that a council be composed of the chief captains who would be in charge of settling the matters. The council decided that any Greeks who should be found there, should go as ambassadors to Antiochus to negotiate with him concerning a peace. (Polyb. Legat. 81.)

3276. At that time two ambassadors arrived from the country of the Achaei. Alcithus, son to Xenophon of Aege, was to renew the friendship with the king. Pasiadas was sent about the matter of the war between Ptolemy and Antiochus. The Athenians sent ambassadors headed by Demaratus concerning a certain donation. Moreover these men brought up two religious matters. The first concerned the feast of Minerva, called Panathenaea, was mentioned by Callias the Pancratiast, or conqueror at the games. The other concerned the mysteries which was handled by Cleostratus. In the discussion he made a speech to the king. Miletum was represented by Eudemus and Icesius, from Clazomenae, Apollonides, and Apollonius. (Polyb. Legat. 81.)

3277. Together with these, Ptolemy the king sent his own ambassadors, Tlepolemus, and Ptolemy the teacher of rhetoric. They sailed and came to Antiochus who received them courteously and invited them on the first day to a sumptuous feast. The next day he gave them the liberty of a personal conference and commanded them to declare their purpose. The ambassadors of the Achaeans spoke first with him. After this Demaratus spoke who was sent by the Athenians. He was followed by Eudemus of Miletum. All affirmed that the war was started through the instigation of Eulaius the eunuch. After they said how young Ptolemy was, they all deplored the war between the kings. Antiochus agreed with the their speeches and more fully explained himself and defended his rights. He endeavoured with great earnestness to prove that Coelosyria belonged to the kings of Syria. He denied what the ambassadors from Alexandria alleged, that Coelosyria was given for a dowry with Cleopatra, mother of Philometor who now reigned. After much discussion, he proved his point to all that were present. For that time he sailed to Naucratis. There he spoke kindly and treated the citizens well. He gave to each Greek who remained there, pieces of gold, valued at 16 shillings 8 pence to each man. (Valued in 1650 AD. Editor) He journeyed to Alexandria and promised to reply to the ambassadors after Aristides and Theris had returned. He desired that the Greeks should know and witness his actions. (Polyb. Legat. 82.)

3278. Philometor was taught by Eulaius the eunuch, in pleasure and effeminate ways. He became so slothful that since he was so far removed from all danger and separated from the enemy by a great distance, he surrendered his large and wealthy kingdom without fighting for it. (Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Valesil. p. 310. 313.)

3279. Antiochus took the crown from Philometor after he had reigned 11 years. The Alexandrians committed management of affairs to Euergetes, his younger brother. (Porpohyr. in Grec. Eusebeian. Scalig. p. 54 & 225.) They later nicknamed him Cacergetes or the malefactor. (Athena. l. 4. c. 24. & l. 12. c. 27.) Howbeit, from the huge size of his body and the largeness of his paunch, he was nicknamed Physcon or the Gore-belly. This was added after his name and is read on his coins. PTOAEMAIOGFGSKWNOSEGERGETOG

3280. Epiphanius, in his small book of weights and measures, called this Ptolemy, Ptolemy Philologus for his love of knowledge. He was one of Aristarchus' scholars and he wrote historical observations which are frequently cited by Atheneus. (Athena. l. 2. cap. 33.) This second Euergetes wrote the things we took from Atheneus and Galen concerning the first, (See note on 3761 AM. <<2855>) from this since at that time Eumenes, son of Attalus reigned in Asia. Strabo affirms that he furnished Pergamos with libraries. (l. 13. p. 614.) I suppose these things refer to this Ptolemy which are read in Vitruvius' Preface of his seventh book:

``The Attalian kings were inclined to the wonderful delights of learning when they had erected for the common enjoyment of all a famous library at Pergamos. Ptolemy was zealous to do the like at Alexandria.''

3281. In Pliny, (l. 13. c. 11.) we read:

``Through the ambition of the kings, Ptolemy and Eumenes over libraries, Varro wrote that at Pergamos parchments were found because Ptolemy withheld the use of the Egyptian paper.''

3282. Ptolemy Philometor was driven from his kingdom and fled to his younger brother Ptolemy Euergetes at Alexandria. (Justin l. 34. cap. 2.) Since Alexandria was not under the power of Antiochus, they made him co-ruler with his brother in the kingdom. This was in the 12 year of Philometor's reign and the 4th year of Euergetes' reign. (Porphyr. in Grec. Eusebeian.) Although after awhile, they expelled Philometor and banished him. (Polyb. Legat. 84, & 89.)

3283. Antiochus seized on that occasion and undertook the government of the banished prince. He made use of the specious pretence of bringing him home again to justify his Egyptian war. This is what he told the ambassadors he sent into all the cities of Asia and Greece. (Livy l. 44,45.)

3836a AM, 4545 JP, 169 BC

3284. Antiochus, through the pretence of bringing back the older Ptolemy to his kingdom fought a war with his younger brother, who at that time possessed Alexandria. He defeated him at the naval battle at Pelusium. He went over the Nile with his army on a bridge which he quickly built and besieged Alexandria. Thereupon Ptolemy the younger and Cleopatra his sister sent ambassadors to Rome. They were to ask the senate to send assistance to the kingdom and those princes who were friends to the empire. This was the obligation of the people of Rome to Antiochus. So great was their authority with all kings and nations that if they should but send ambassadors to declare that it pleased not the senate that a war was fought between their allies, Antiochus would immediately depart from Alexandria and withdraw his army into Syria. (Livy l. 44.)

3285. When Antiochus was unable to break down the wall of Alexandria he left. (Livy l. 45.) In spite of this, Meleager, Sosiphanus and Heraclides were sent as ambassadors to Rome. They were given 150 talents. 50 was to be spent on a crown to be given to the Romans. The rest was to be divided among certain cities of Greece. (Polyb. Legat. 83.)

3286. About that time, the ambassadors of the Rhodians headed by Prutio arrived at Alexandria to negotiate a peace. Shortly after this they went to the camp to Antiochus. They were allowed to see the king. They had a long discourse about the mutual alliances between both the kings and what advantages would accrue to each if peace were made. However, the king interrupted the ambassador in his speech and said that there was no need of any more discussion. The kingdom belonged to the older Ptolemy and he had long since made a peace with him and was his friend. If the Alexandrians would recall him from banishment, he would be content. (Polyb. Legat. 84.)

3287. Antiochus left the older Ptolemy at Memphis. Antiochus pretended to fight for his kingdom and gave him the rest of Egypt. After that he left a strong garrison at Pelusium and withdrew his army into Syria. He thought it prudent to allow the civil war in Egypt to continue. He could always use it as a pretence to reenter Egypt with his army to help the older brother. (Livy l. 45.)

3288. King Eumenes came from Elaea with 20 covered ships into the coasts of the Cassandrenses and met with Marcius Figulus, the praetor and admiral of the Roman fleet. Prusias sent 5 ships there. At the same time, Prusias tried in vain to take the city Cassandrea, Toron and Demetrius. It was reported that Cydas the Cretian and Antimachus, governor of Demetrius negotiated a peace between Eumenes and Perseus. Cydas, who was one of Eumenes' intimate friends, was previously seen talking at Amphipolis with Chimarus, a certain county man of his. At Demetrius he was seen talking with Menecrates, a certain captain of Perseus and again with Antimachus under the very walls of the city. Eumenes left Demetrius and sailed to Q. Marcius the consul and congratulated his arrival into Macedonia. He left for his own kingdom to Pergamos. Marcius Figulus the praetor sent part of the fleet to winter at Sciathum and went with the rest of the ships to Oreum in Boeotia. (Livy l. 44.)

3289. Reports vary concerning Eumenes. Valerius Antias said that the praetor was not helped by a fleet from him. After that he had often sent for him by letters and he did not go with favour from the consul into Asia. He was incensed that he was not allowed to march into the same camp. He could not be persuaded to leave behind any of the cavalry of the Gauls whom he had brought with him. Attalus his brother, remained with the consul and was loyal to him throughout the war. (Livy l. 44.) Velleius Paterculus wrote that king Eumenes was indifferent to that war and lent no assistance to his brother. (Histor. l. 1. c. 9.)

3290. At Rome, the ambassadors of Pamphylius brought into the senate a golden crown made of 20,000 Philipeans. By their request, they were allowed to put the crown in the temple of Jupiter and to sacrifice in the capitol. Their desire of renewing friendship was graciously granted and a gift of 2000 pieces of coin was given to each of them. (Livy l. 44.)

3291. At that time, the ambassadors came from king Prusias to help make a peace with King Perseus. They received an audience with the senate. Prusias said that at that time he stood for the Romans and that he would stand for them during the war. However, when the ambassadors had come to him from Perseus to end the war, he had promised them to intervene on their behalf with the senate. He desired that if they could be persuaded to end their displeasure of him that he might be used by them in making a peace with both parties. (Livy l. 44.)

3292. The embassy from Rhodes was more arrogant concerning the same business. They related the deeds which they had done for the Roman people and how they were mainly responsible for the victory over Antiochus. They added, that when there was peace between the Macedonians and the Romans, then they had an alliance between themselves and King Perseus. They had broken this against their will not through any provocation of his against them but because it pleased the Romans to draw them into the war. In the third year of the war, they were feeling the brunt of it. Because of naval blockades, their island was reduced to poverty for they lost their revenues that came by sea and their food supply was cut off. When they could no longer endure this, they had sent ambassadors into Macedonia to Perseus who told him that the Rhodians would be happy if he would make peace with the Romans. They would sent to the Romans and signify this. Rhodians would consider what ought to be done against those who failed to end the war. Claudius Quadrigarius said that there was no answer given to these persons. There was recited a decree of the senate in which the Roman people announced that the Carians and Lycians were free and that letters should immediately be sent to both countries to inform them of this. When they heard this, the head of the Rhodian delegation, whose magniloquence just a little before the senate house had scarcely been able to contain, fell down astonished. Others said that they replied that the Roman people from the beginning of the war had been told by reputable persons that the Rhodians had secret talks with King Perseus against Rome. If this had been doubtful before, yet the delegates words a little before had made it certain. That fraud for the most part was exposed that was secret in the beginning. What the Rhodians were about to consider they themselves knew. Assuredly the people of Rome, when Perseus was defeated, which they hoped would be soon, would appropriately reward each city for its part in the war. However, a gift of 2000 pieces of coin was sent to each of the ambassadors which they refused. (Livy l. 44. c. 14,15.)

3293. Dion gave this account of the matter. King Perseus requested peace from the Romans and had obtained it. Rhodians, feared least the Romans should have wanted an adversary had joined their ambassadors with the ambassadors of Perseus. The delegates from Rhodes were anything but moderate and most unsuitable for those who were purported to be looking for peace. They had not so much requested a peace for Perseus as given it to him. They proudly spoke of other things and at last threatened that they would attack those who failed to make peace. By this it happened, that although the Romans suspected them of siding with Perseus, they became more odious in the sight of the Romans and hindered Perseus' chances for peace. (Dion Legat. 19. or 20.)

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3294. About the beginning of the consulship of L. Emilius Paulus and C. Licinius, the Alexandrian ambassadors from Ptolemy and princess Cleopatra were called into the Senate. They were dressed in dirt stained white clothing and had long straggling beards and hair. When they had entered into the senate with olive branches, they prostrated themselves and requested the senate that they would help their kingdom and princess that were their allies. (Livy l. 44. c. 19.)

3295. The senate was told by them that Antiochus had seized the rest of Egypt and still remained there and hoped to conquer Alexandria too. The senate was concerned with the power this king, and decreed to send an embassy to help make peace and determine first hand what was happening there. (Polyb. Legat. 90.)

3296. Therefore, they immediately sent C. Popillius Laenas, D. Decimius and C. Hostilius as ambassadors to conclude the war between the kings. They were ordered to go first to Antiochus then to Ptolemy. They were to say that if they did not stop this war they would no longer be considered allies of Rome. (Livy l. 44. c. 19)

3297. These men accompanied the ambassadors from Alexandria and left on their journey in three days. Ambassadors from Macedonia arrived on the last day of the Quinquatria, that is, of the feast of Minerva's birthday. They said that Eumenes and his fleet both came and went like an unpredictable storm. The king was not constant in his loyalties. Although they said many things against Eumenes, they declared the extraordinary loyalty of Attalus. (Livy l. 44. c. 19.)

3298. At the time when the ambassadors sent to Egypt left Rome, this is found written in an ancient diary of this year: (which Pighius has inserted into the second Tome of his Annals in the 585th year of the city)

``The third day before the Nones of April, C. Popillius Leans, C. Decimius and C. Hostilius were sent as ambassadors to the kings of Syria and Egypt to discuss the war between them. These ambassadors with a number of their clients and kindred, sacrificed early in the morning in the temple of Castor, to the household gods of P. R. They offered a bull and so ended their sacrifice.''

3299. However, the third day before the nones of April, as the year at Rome then stood, was January 23rd according to the Julian account as we deduce from the eclipse of the moon which happened five months later.

3300. After Antiochus and his army had returned into Syria, Ptolemy Philometor wisely considered the danger he was in and sent ambassadors to Alexandria to his sister, Cleopatra first and then to his brother Euergetes and his friends. He confirmed a peace with them. His sister helped him greatly by her advise and intersession on his behalf. After a peace was made, by the public common consent, he returned from Memphis and was received into Alexandria. He reigned together with his brother and the common people accepted this. In the war, they had no supplies from Egypt during the seige nor after it was lifted. Their condition was brought very low. (Livy l. 45. Polyb. Legat. 89.)

3301. This should have been reason for Antiochus to be glad if he had brought his army into Egypt to restore Ptolemy to the throne. However, he was so offended, that he more eagerly and maliciously prepared for war against them both than he had done against them individually. Thereupon he sent his fleet to Cyprus and defeated the Egyptian ships and the captains of Ptolemy. (Livy l. 45. c. 11. Polyb. Legat. 92.)

3302. Both Ptolemy's brothers shared the throne and were militarily quite weak. They sent ambassadors to Eumenes, Dionysiodorus and to the country the Achaeaus, to request 1000 foot soldiers and 22 cavalry. They wanted Lycortas to be captain of all the auxiliary forces and his son Polybius of the cavalry. They wrote also to Theodoridas the Sicyonian, to hire 1000 mercenary soldiers. (Polyb. Legat. 89. & 91.)

3303. Perseus, king of the Macedonians and Gentius, king of the Sclavonians, were united in league together by giving pledges to each other. They decreed that ambassadors should be sent to Rhodes, hoping that the city which was the major naval power at that time might by the authority of two kings go to war against the Romans. The ambassadors were sent to Thessalonica and ordered to be ready to sail. Metrodorus was there who came recently from Rhodes and affirmed that by the authority of Dinon and Polyaratus, principal men of the city, the Rhodians were prepared for war. Among the Coans, Hippocritus, Diomedon brethren and the Romans, Dinon and Polyaratus were bold to speak for the Macedonians and accuse the Romans and publicly advise an alliance with Perseus. Metrodorus was made the leader of this confederate embassy with the Sclavonians. (Polyb. Legat. 85. & in Excerptis, Valesii. p. 137. Livy l. 44.)

3304. When Perseus had sent Teremnastus the Cretian as ambassador to Antiochus, he advised him not to miss the opportunity nor to think that the proud and insolent injunctions of the Romans pertained only to him. Rather he should know that the Romans would shortly treat him the same. This was unless he help Perseus settle the matters between the Romans and the Macedonians. If that could not be, then at least he could help Perseus against the Romans. (Polyb. Legat. 85. Livy l. 44.)

3305. At the same time, Perseus sent Cryphontes (for so the Collections of Polybius name him, whom the printed copies of Livy call Eropontes) as ambassador to Eumenes who had been on two embassies to Eumenes. (Livy l. 44.) He hoped that by offering money, he could solicited Eumenes that he should either side with Perseus or reconcile him to the people of Rome or remain neutral. He hoped that he should obtain one of these things or at least by that solicitation procure (which indeed he attained) that Eumenes would become suspect to the Romans. However, Eumenes despised the friendship of Perseus. For making peace, he demanded 1500 talents and to remain neutral to both, 1000 talents. Perseus promised to give the sum required for his help in getting a peace but not before it was done. However, he would deposit it in the temple at Samothracia until the peace was concluded. (Appian. Macedonic. in Excerpt. Valeisi. p. 562.) Since that island was in his own jurisdiction, Eumenes saw that it signified no more than if the money had been at Pella and insisted that he should bring part of the money for the present. This did not happen either. Cryphontes returned home and the negotiations were kept secret. To avoid suspicion, both sides said that the negotiation had been concerning the redemption of captives. Eumenes told the same to the consul. (Livy l. 44.)

3306. The Rhodians disagreed among themselves. The party which favoured Perseus prevailed. It seemed good that ambassadors should be sent to settle the war between Perseus and the Romans. Therefore the chief presidents of their counsels immediately sent Agesipolis and Cleombrotus as ambassadors to Rome. They sent Damon, Nicostratus, Agesilochus, and Telephus to the consul and Perseus. They also sent ambassadors to Crete to renew friendship with all the Cretians. They were to advise them to have an eye to the condition of the times and the imminent danger. They should be friends with the people of Rhodes and they should esteem the same as foe and friend. There were sent also to each city, to entreat with them concerning the same matters. (Polyb. Legat. 86.)

3307. The ambassadors of the Ptolemys, the kings came into Peloponnesus while it was still winter. After that in an assembly of the Achaeans celebrated at Corinth, they had renewed their ancient friendship after much discussion. They presented their view of the afflicted condition of the kings and requested aid. The multitude were ready to give their assistance, not with a part of their forces, but if need should require, with all their strength. However, Callicrates, Diophanes and Hyperbatonus opposed this decision. Against these debated Lycottas and Polybius who exhorted the Achaeans to remember their engagements and courtesies but especially of their oath that they should keep the laws of confederacy. When the multitude had again jointly agreed that assistance should be given, Callicrates frustrated that debate by terrifying the magistrates because the laws gave no liberty in such assemblies to commit auxiliary troops. (Polyb. Legat. 89.)

3308. A little later, a council was called in the city of the Sicyonians. In it the magistrates were present and all that were older than 30 years of age. After much discussion, a courier who was brought by Callicrates, immediately after his arrival directly into the theatre. He brought forged letters from Q. Marcius the proconsul in which he was supposed to exhort the Achaeans. They were to comply with the desire of the Romans and endeavour to reconcile the kings. Thereupon ambassadors were sent from the Achaeans, Archon of Aegira, Arcesilaus and Aristo Megapolitanes, to make a peace between the Ptolemys and Antiochus. By this action King Polybius was incensed with indignation and withdrew from the care and administration of affairs. The ambassadors from Alexandria lost all hope of help and returned home. (Polyb. Legat. 89, 91.)

3309. Perseus had his winter quarters at Bila. He drew his forces into Ionia where he might intercept the wheat that was conveyed from there to the Romans. (Appian. ut. sup. p. 565.) Antenor and Callippus were the admirals of the navy. He sent them with 40 small boats and 5 larger vessels called Pristes (because they resembled Pristes) to Tenedos. From there they dispersed by the Cycladas Islands so they might capture the ships that came with wheat into Macedonia. The ships sailed to Cassandrea. After that they came first to the havens which lie beside the Mount Athos and from there they sailed in a calm sea to Tenedos. They sent away the Rhodian's open vessels under Eudemus their captain with out any harm and treated them very civilly. They were later told that 50 cargo ships of their friends were blockaded by the warships of Eumenes under the command of Damius at the very mouth of the haven at Mount Athos. They dispersed their enemies and let them out. They escorted them with 10 small ships into Macedonia. (Livy l. 44.)

3310. Nine days later, those small vessels returned to the fleet lying at Sigaeum. From there they sailed to Subota which is an island lying between Elaea and Athos. However, the following day 35 ships arrived which they call Hippagogi or vessels for the conveyance of horses. Ferry boats came from Elaea with the cavalry of the Gauls and horses sent from Eumenes to Attalus. These were bound for Phanes, a cape of the Chians, from where they might sail over into Macedonia. Antenor set sail from Subota between the cape of Erythrae and that of Chios where the sea is most narrow and suddenly attacked these ships. When there was no hope of resisting, part of them who were near the shore of the continent swam into Erythraea. Part of them hoisted sail and beached their ships on Chios. They left their horses behind them and fled to the city. The small vessels had delivered their armed men to the city. At a more convenient place of landing, the Macedonians defeated the Gauls and killed some as they fled in the way and others were intercepted before the gate and killed. 800 Gauls were killed (700 as Gruter's edition has it) and 200 taken alive. Some of the horses drowned in the sea when the ships sank and some were houghed by the Macedonians on the shore. Antenor commanded the same ten vessels which he had sent before, to convoy 20 of the best horses with the captives to Thessalonica and as soon as possibly to return to the fleet. He would meet them at Phanae. The navy stayed almost three days at the city. From there they went to Phanae and were transported in the 10 vessels which returned before they were expected and they passed through the Aegean sea to Delos. (Livy l. 44.)

3311. While these things were happening, the Roman ambassadors, C. Popillius, C. Decimius and C. Hostilius, came from Chalcis after they had sailed from Delos with 3 ships of 5 tiers of oars. They found 40 ships of the Macedonians and 5 ships from King Eumenes with 5 tiers of oars. The sanctity of the temple and the island, gave security to all persons. Therefore the Romans, the Macedonians and the naval allies of Eumenes all intermingled and talked together in safety. The respect for the temple made this place a safe haven. (Livy l. 44.)

3312. Antenor, Perseus' admiral, received word from the watch-towers that cargo ships were seen at sea. He pursued them with some of his ships and the rest he sent around the Cyclades. He either sank or plundered all the ships except those bound for Macedonia. Popillius and the navy of Eumenes, helped as many as they could. They conveyed them by night in groups of two or three vessels and deceived the Macedonians. (Livy l. 44.)

3313. About that time, Parmenio and Morcus, the ambassadors of Gentius, king of the Sclavonians, along with Metrodorus, the ambassador of Perseus came to Rhodes. Perseus' authority had increased by the sight of the warships which passed up and down by the Cyclades and the Aegean Sea and by the large number of the horsemen which were slain. His prestige was further enhanced by the alliance between Gentius and himself and the rumour that large numbers of the Galatian's cavalry and foot solders were coming to help him. These things encouraged Dinon and Polyaratus, who were for Perseus but depressed Theaetetus who was not for Perseus. Therefore the Rhodians decreed to give a friendly answer unto both the kings and to signify to them that they had resolved to use their authority to put an end to the war. Therefore they admonished them to be agreeable to a peace. Moreover the ambassadors of Gentius were entreated with much civility in their public place of assembly. (Livy l. 44. Polyb. Legat. 87.)

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3314. At the beginning of the spring, Antiochus with his army, marched for Egypt and came into Coelosyria near to Rhinocolura. He met the ambassadors of Ptolemy Philometor who thanked him for restoring him to his kingdom. He asked that Antiochus would maintain his own right and rather say what he wanted done instead of turning from an ally to an enemy by taking military action. Antiochus replied that he would under no other terms revoke his fleet and reduce his army unless Ptolemy would surrender to him all Cyprus, Pelusius and the land that was adjacent to that mouth of the Nile, called Pelusiack. He appointed a day to receive an answer by. (Livy l. 45. c. 11.)

3315. Antiochus sent Apollonius, the overseer for the collection of his tribute (called meridarciw Joseph. Antiq. l. 12. c. 7. or mwsarciw in /APC 2Ma 5:24) with an army of 22,000 into the cities of Judea. This was 2 full years after he had plundered the temple at Jerusalem. They were ordered to kill all the mature young men and sell the women and young ones. /APC 1Ma 1:30 2Ma 5:24

3316. After that Apollonius came to Jerusalem without any sign of hostility. He restrained himself until the sabbath day. Then he killed all that cAme to perform religious duties. He marched with his forces about the city and killed a great number of people. After he had plundered the city, he set it on fire and pulled down the houses and the walls. He led away captive the women and children and seized on the cattle. /APC 1Ma 1:31,34 2Ma 5:25,26 Josephus, (Antiq. l. 12. c. 7) attributes to Antiochus himself the things that were done by his officers. He affirms that:

``After the sacking of the whole city, partly to have killed the inhabitants and partly to have led them away captive together with their children and wives to the number of 10,000.''

3317. Judas Maccabeus left with 9 others and spent his life in the mountains foraging like wild beasts. They fed on herbs lest they should be partakers of the pollution /APC 2Ma 5:27 or of the prohibited meats or of the idolatry or of the contamination and the desolation of the sanctuary which now happened. /APC 1Ma 1:39-41 It was 3.5 years before the restitution and purification of the temple was later made by the same Judas Maccabeus. /APC 1Ma 4:43-54 During this time, Josephus implies that the city of Jerusalem was oppressed by Antiochus. (Josephus, in the preface of his books concerning the Jewish war) Josephus states that the service of the daily sacrifice ceased (l. 1. c. 1.) and the sanctuary was desolate in the sixth book of the same work. (p. 929.) He mentions the length of the time of this desolation of the sanctuary as Hippolytus affirms. (Caten. Grac. in Daniel Da 8:11-14)

3318. Later they built in the city of David or Zion, a great wall, secured with strong towers which was to form a citadel for them. A garrison of wicked persons held the place. They deposited the spoils of Jerusalem there. Those Jews who visited the temple often risked their life in so doing. Much innocent blood was shed and the sanctuary defiled. The inhabitants of Jerusalem fled and the city became an habitation of strangers and foreign to her own citizens. /APC 1Ma 1:35-40.

3319. The ambassadors of the Rhodians came to the camp of the Romans with the same instructions concerning peace which at Rome had so highly incensed the senators. They were heard with much more discontent by the counsel of war. However, when some would have had them violently expelled from the camp, the counsel declared that it would give them an answer after 15 days. In the meantime, so that it might appear at what value they placed on the authority of Rhodians to broker for peace, they began to plan how to prosecute the war. (Livy l. 44. c. 35.)

3320. The day before Perseus was defeated, C. Sulpicius Gallus, the tribune of the soldiers of the second legion, assembled the soldiers with the permission of L. Emilius Paulus the consul. He told them that on the next night they should not be alarmed by an eclipse of the moon. It would happen from 2 am until 4 am. This eclipse is a natural event that can be predicted and is not a sign or evil omen. (Livy l. 44. c. 37.) Pliny writes concerning eclipses (l. 2. c. 12.) that Gallus was the first of the Romans who discovered the reason of the sun and moon's eclipses. Concerning him, Cato in Cicero's book, "of old age", says:

``We did behold Scipio Gallus, the intimate acquaintance of your father (Emilius Paulus) even to greatly weary himself almost to death in his endeavours of measuring almost the heavens and the earth. How often did the morning surprise him, when he began to observe anything at night? How oft did the night come on him, when he began to observe in the morning? How was he delighted when he foretold to us the eclipses of the sun and moon, a great while before they happened?''

3321. The night before the day before the Nones of September, when the moon was eclipsed at the appointed hour, seemed to the Roman soldiers to be almost a divine thing. The Macedonians took it as a sad omen portending the fall of their kingdom and the disaster of their nation. (Livy. l. 44. c. 37. cum Justin, l. 33. c. 1. Valer. Maxim. l. 8. c. 11. Jul. Frontin. Straghemat. l. 1. c. 12.) The astronomical account shows that the eclipse of the moon was on the 21st day of June, according to the Julian account in the 8th hour after noon, this year in Macedonia when the soldiers would normally have been sleeping according to Plutarch in his Paulus Emilius. It is added that the Ides of March, in this year, when Paulus entered into his second consulship, happened on January 4th according to the Julian reckoning.

3322. The day following Perseus' defeat /APC 1Ma 8:5 the kingdom of the Macedonians ended. From the time of Caranus it had stood for 626 years. However, while the Roman empire was rising, the remains of the Macedonian empire survived in the Seleucus' of Syria and the Ptolemy's of Egypt.

3323. The 3rd day after the battle, Perseus with about 500 Cretians fled to Amphipolis in Thracia. They were not allowed to enter by the Amphipolitans. Their money of gold and silver was brought to the ships which stayed in Strymon. Perseus came to the river. He gave the Cretians that followed him only for his money, 50 talents from his own treasure. He sent cups and goblets, with other gold and silver vessels and placed them on the bank. He left them to be scrambled for by them while they went on board in a disorderly manner. One ship was overloaded and sank in the very mouth of the river. On that day he came unto Galipsus or Alepsus. On the next day he came the island of Samothrace with 2000 talents. He humbly sought refuge in the temple of Castor and Pollux. (Livy. l. 45. c. cum Plutarcho, in Paulo Emilio.)

3324. When the news of the Roman victory had come into Asia, Antenor, who with a fleet of ships waited at the Phanae, sailed from there to Cassandria. (Livy l. 45. c. 10.)

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3325. C. Popillius was anchored at Delos to safeguard ships bound for Macedonia. After he had heard of the victory in Macedonia and the departure of the enemy's ships from that area, he dismissed the Attic ships. He set sail for Egypt to take the embassy there whom he had with him. He wanted to meet with Antiochus before he captured Alexandria. After the ambassadors had crossed Asia, they came into Loryma. This is an haven about 20 miles from Rhodes and directly opposite the city. The leaders of the Rhodians met them and asked them to put in at Rhodes. The rumour of the Roman victory had reached even Rhodes. They said that it concerned the honour and safety of the city, that they should understand all things which had before been done and were then in agitation at Rhodes. They could tell at Rome what was known to themselves not what was learned by rumour. Although the ambassadors at first refused, after a time, the Rhodians forced them to take a short interruption of their voyage for the safety of a confederate city. When they arrived at Rhodes, the same persons by their urgings, had them come into their public assembly. (Livy l. 45. c. 9.)

3326. The arrival of the delegates increased rather than diminished the fear of the citizens. Popillius repeated all things which anyone had spoken or done in a hostile manner during the time of the war. Since he was a man of a sour disposition, he aggravated the grievousness of the things that had been spoken with a stern countenance and incriminating voice. Since there was no basis for his personal displeasure with the city, they concluded by the bitterness of one single Roman senator, how the whole senate felt toward them. The speech of C. Decimius was more mild, who in most of the things alleged by Popillius said that the fault was not of the people but of a few rebellious men who had stirred them up. These men whose tongues were for sale had produced decrees full of flattery of the king and had sent such embassages about which the Rhodians were no less ashamed than repentant for. The people greatly approved of this speech because it laid the blame on a few guilty parties and not on the people in general. Therefore when the leader replied to the Romans, their speech was in no way as popular who endeavoured to mitigate the charges brought by Popillius, as theirs, who agreed with Popillius in singling out for punishment the persons responsible for the crimes. Thereupon those Rhodians, who before were so haughty as if they had conquered Philip, Antiochus and were stronger then Romans, were terrified in the presence of the ambassadors. A decree was quickly passed that whoever should be guilty of favouring Perseus and saying anything against the Romans, should be condemned to death. When the Romans came, some left the city and others committed suicide. The ambassadors did not stay more than 5 days at Rhodes and went to Alexandria. When they left the Rhodians were no less zealous in carrying out this decree. The cause of the action was mainly do to the clemency of Decimius. (Livy l. 45 c. 9. Dione. Legat. 20. or 21.)

3327. After the news of Perseus' flight had been brought to Rome, it seemed good to the senate that the Rhodian ambassadors who came to make up peace with Perseus, should be called before their assembly. The ambassadors, of whom Agesipolis was the leader, entered into the senate. They said that they were sent to make an end of the war which would be grievous and incommodious to all Greece and costly and harmful to the Romans themselves. Now, since it was concluded in a way the Rhodians always desired, they congratulated the Romans on it. When Agesipolis had briefly spoken these words, he left the assembly. The senate, made use of that occasion since they purposed to disgrace the Rhodians publicly and make an example of them. They replied that the Rhodians dispatched that embassy, neither for the benefit of Greece nor for the expenses of the Roman people but on behalf of Perseus. If their care had been as it was claimed, ambassadors would then have been sent denouncing the war when Perseus' army entered into Thessalie and for two years, partly besieged and partly terrified the cities of Greece. At that time there was no mention of peace made by the Rhodians. But after they had heard, that the woods were crossed and that the Romans had passed into Macedonia and that Perseus was hemmed in, the Rhodians sent their embassy. Their purpose was to deliver Perseus from his imminent danger. Therefore the senators judgment was that they ought not to bestow the accustomed rewards, or any benefit, nor a courteous answer to the ambassadors. (Polyb. Legat. 88. Livy l. 45. c. 20.)

3328. Thoas was sent from Rhodes by Dinon to Perseus as courier and had often sailed into Macedonia. With the turn of affairs in Rhodes, he fled for fear into Cnidus. The Cnidians granted him safe custody. After the Rhodians granted him safety, he was returned again to Rhodes. When examined, he confessed to all. He fully consented to all the notes of the letters which had been intercepted and to the letters sent each way from Dinon and Perseus. Thereupon Dinon was convicted and as for an example to others, was executed. (Polyb. in Excerpt. Valesi. p. 137, 138.)

3329. Cn. Octavius, managed the Macedonian war with Paulus Aemilius. When Octavius' fleet came to Samothrace, he honoured the sanctity of the temple of Castor and Pollux and left Perseus alone. However, he kept him from the sea and prevented him from escaping. (Plutarch in P. Aemilio.) All the while he endeavoured to have him surrender, sometimes by threatenings and sometimes by hopes. Whether accidental or contrived by plan, this business was assisted by L. Attilius, an illustrious young man. When he saw the people of Samothrace assembled together, he addressed them with the permission of the magistrate. He complained that the supposed sanctity of the island was violated by the presence of Evander the Cretian. It was he who almost murdered Eumenes at Delphos and now together with Perseus sought refuge in the temple. Theondus, who was the chief magistrate among them (whom they called king) saw that the whole island was in the power of the Romans. He demanded from Perseus that Evander surrender for trial. Perseus did not want to do this because he saw that the crime would also involve him. He had Evander murdered and bribed Theondus to tell to the people that Evander had committed suicide. However, by killing his only friend that remained and had been involved with him in so many enterprises, he alienated the affections of all that were with him. When everyone for his own safety defected to the Romans, he was forced to think how to escape. (Livy l. 45. c. 5,6.)

3330. Therefore Perseus secretly arranged an escape with Oroandes the Cretian, to whom the coast of Thrace was well known because he had used to trade in that country. He boarded a ship which was anchored at the cape of Demetrias, so that he should convey him to Cotys, the king of the Thracians. About the time of sunset there was as much money brought to the ship as could be secretly transported. When it was on board, Oroandes sailed as soon as it was dark for Crete. Later about midnight the wretched Perseus let himself down , his children and his wife. They were not accustomed to travel and wandered from a straight window by a wall. When the ship was not found in the harbour he walked awhile on the shore. Finally fearing the approach of dawn, he hid in a dark corner in the side of the temple. (Livy l. 45. c. 6. & Plutarch, ut supra.)

3331. After that, by the command of Octavius the praetor, it was proclaimed by the crier that if the royal children of the princes that were chosen to wait on the king and other Macedonians who were of Samothrace, would come over to the Romans, they would be safe. They would have their freedom and all that they had with them or left behind in Macedonia would be theirs. They all came over and gave their names to C. Posthumius the tribune of the soldiers. Ion, the Thessalonian, surrendered the young children of the king, who had been committed to his trust to Octavius. No children were left with the king except Philip the oldest. Thereupon Perseus surrendered himself and his son to Octavius. He blamed fortune and the gods in whose temple he was in, because they did not help him. He was ordered to be put aboard on the flagship and what money that remained was brought there. The fleet sailed back to Amphipolis immediately. (Livy l. 45. c. 6.)

3332. Antiochus came to take over Pelusium. When he had crossed over the Leusines River, which is 4 miles from Alexandria, he met the Roman ambassadors. When they approached he greeted them and put out his right hand to Popillius. He gave to Antiochus the tables which he held in his hands that contained that decree of the senate. It said he was to immediately end the war against Ptolemy. He urged him that before he did anything else, he should read it. When he had read the tables, he said that he would consult with his friends as what he ought to do. Popillius with a vine twig which he had in his hand, drew a circle around the king and demanded his answer before he left the circle. The king was astonished with that unusual and imperious action. After he had thought a while, he said:

``I will do what the Romans command.''

3333. Thereupon Popillius put out his right hand to the king as to a confederate and friend. Antiochus was quite chaffed in his mind but withdrew his forces from Egypt into Syria on the appointed day. (For instead of agrian, in Polybius we suppose surian ought to be substituted from Livy) He esteemed it expedient to gave place to the times for the present. (Polyb. Legat. 92, & Livy l. 45. c. 16. cum Ciceron, in Philippica 81. Velleio Paterculo l. 1. c. 10. Valeri. Maximo. l. 6. c. 4. Justin. l. 34. c. 3. Appiano in Syriac. p. 131. Plutarch in Apophthegmat. c. 32, &c.)

3334. When the Samaritans saw the Jews most miserably oppressed by Antiochus, they claimed to be descendants of the Sidonians. By this they obtained letters from Antiochus to Apollonius, the king's governor and Nicanor the king's steward that they should not be subject to the same oppression as the Jews were. Since the temple at Gerizim was not yet honoured with the title of any god, it should from this time on be called by the name dids emhnin, or of the Greek Jupiter. This is discussed by Josephus in (Antiq. l. 12. c. 7.) The letter and the reply from Antiochus is given. It is dated in the 46th year (but I know not from what epoch the account is determined from) the 18th day of the month Hecatombaeon.

3335. After Antiochus had left Egypt, the Roman ambassadors by their authority confirmed the union between the two brethren who were scarcely yet well agreed. (Livy l. 45.) C. Popillius requested as a favour from the king, the bequest of Menalcidus, the Lacedemonian, who benefitted from the distress of the kings for his personal gain. He commanded them to send Polyaratus, who had been the chief supporter of Perseus at Rhodes and Rome. Menalcidus was dismissed by Ptolemy but he hesitated to send Polyaratus to Rome. He had great respect for Polyaratus and Rhodes. Therefore, he sent him to Rhodes and delivered him into the custody of one of his friends, Demetrius. He sent him to Rhodes with letters for the Rhodians concerning his journey. However, Polyaratus arrived at Phaselides. He took with him herbs for the strewing of the altar and priestly ornaments. He fled to the common tutelary god of the city. (Polyb. Legat. 92, & 95. & in Excerptis Valesii. p. 138.)

3336. When Popillius had settled affairs at Alexandria, he sailed to Cyprus and from there sent the fleet and army of Antiochus to Syria. They had recently captured the place from the Egyptians. (Polyb. Legate. 92. Livy l. 45.)

3337. The kings of Egypt were delivered from the war against Antiochus. One of the first things they did was to send Numenins, one of their friends, as an ambassador to Rome to thank them for the favours which they had received from them. (Polyb. Legat. 95.)

3338. When the Phasellites had sent to Rhodes to take Polyaratus from them, the Rhodians did indeed send a ship. However they forbad Epichares the captain of the ship to let him aboard the vessel because the Alexandrians were ordered to set the man ashore at Rhodes. Therefore, the ship came to Phasellites. When Epichares refused to allow Polyaratus onto his vessel and on the other side Demetrius into whose custody he was entrusted by the king, ordered the man to get on. The inhabitants of Phasellites urged him to go lest they might become obnoxious to the Romans. Polyaratus was grieved and went aboard with Demetrius on the ship again. However, at the first opportunity at his landing, he quickly fled directly to Caunus. He complained of his state of affairs and begged their assistance. They refused because they were tributaries to the Rhodians. He secretly sent to the Cibyrates, requesting admission into their city. He asked for someone to come and escort him safely there. He was known to the Cibyrates, because the children of Pancrates the tyrant were educated with him. The Cibyrates consented and Polyaratus was brought to Cibyra. (Polyb. Legat. in. Excerpt. Valesi. p. 138, 141.)

3339. Popillius and the embassy returned from Antiochus to Rome. They reported of the differences they had settled between the kings and that Antiochus' army had left Egypt for Syria. Later the ambassadors of the kings themselves came. The delegates of Antiochus declared that the peace which was approved by the senate, seemed more suitable to the king than any victory. Also he obeyed the commands of the Roman ambassadors as if they had been direct commands from the gods. After this, they congratulated them on the conquest of Perseus. Had they asked the king for anything, he would have gladly given it. The delegates of Ptolemy, in the name of the king and Cleopatra thanked them also. They said that they were more indebted to the senate and the Roman people than to their parents or to the immortal gods. They had been delivered from a most miserable siege and received their paternal kingdom back which they almost lost. The senate replied that Antiochus had acted correctly in obeying the ambassadors and that it was acceptable to the senate, the Roman people and to the princes of Egypt. If any benefit and advantage happened to Ptolemy and Cleopatra because of Rome, the senate was glad for it. They wished that the best way to preserve their kingdom was to maintain the friendship with the Roman people. C. Papinius the praetor was commanded to take care of the gifts that is sent to the ambassadors according to the custom. (Livy l. 45.)

3340. A joint embassy came both from Eumenes, Attalus and from Athenaeus to Rome to congratulate them on the overthrow of Perseus. (Livy l. 45. c. 19.)

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3341. By a public edict, Antiochus ordered all the countries that were subject to him to observe the same way of divine worship and set aside their peculiar customs. They were all to adopt the same religion as the Greeks under the punishment of death of those that refused. He appointed overseers over every country who should compel them to do this. /APC 1Ma 1:43-52,63

3342. Antiochus sent an old man of Athens into Judea and Samaria that he might force the Jews to stop observing the divine law and defile the temple at Jerusalem. He called their temple Jupiter Olympus and the temple at Gerizim, Jupiter Hospitable or the "protector of strangers". He thought this was a more appropriate name for the Samaritans since they were strangers in the Jewish land. /APC 2Ma 6:1-6

3343. The king sent proclamations by ambassadors to Jerusalem and the cities of Judah that they should follow the rites of the Gentiles and take away the sacrifices from the temple. They should not keep the sabbaths and feast days. They should pollute the sanctuary and its priests. They should erect altars, groves and temples to idols. They should sacrifice swine and other unclean beasts. They should allow their children to remain uncircumcised. They were to defile themselves with every impure thing so that they might forget the law and change all the ordinances of their God. /APC 1Ma 1;46-51 It would be a crime to observe the Jewish religion. /APC 2Ma: 6:6

3344. A decree also came to the neighbouring cities of the Greeks on the suggestion of Ptolemy, the son of Donymenes. /APC 2Ma 4:45 They should proceed in like manner against the Jews and compel them to partake of the sacrifices. Those who did not adopt Greek customs were to be executed. /APC 2Ma 6:8,9

3345. The other countries followed the words of the king. Many Israelites consented to his religion and sacrificed to idols and profaned the sabbath. /APC 1Ma 1:44 2:18 For many of the people that forsook the law were gathered together to them and they made the Israelites hide themselves in dens and in places of their refuge. /APC 1Ma 1:51-53 Others were brought by bitter constraint on the king's birthday every month to eat of the sacrifices. When the feast of Bacchus was kept, they were compelled to be in a procession to Bacchus carrying ivy. /APC 2Ma 6:7

3346. The temple was filled with riot and revelling by the Gentiles who riotously spent their lives with harlots and in the holy circuit of the temple defiled themselves with women. They brought in things that were not lawful and the altar also was filled with profane things which the law forbids. /APC 2Ma 6:4,5

3347. On the 15th day of the month Casleu (which is part of our November and part of December) in the 145th year of the kingdom of the Greeks, they erected the abomination of desolation, the detestable idol of Jupiter Olympus on the altar. They built altars for idols throughout the cities of Judah and burnt incense at the doors of their houses and in the streets. /APC 1Ma 1:54-56

3348. When they had cut in pieces the books of the law which they found, they burnt them in the fire. By the king's command, they executed anyone they found with a book of the testament or if he approved of the law. /APC 1Ma 1:56,57 By the title of books of the law, we do not mean just the Mosaic Pentateuch. With the later Hebrews, who from hence derive the origin of that Petaroth or ordinary lecture after which the people were dismissed (according to Elias Levita, for his Tirchbl, in the word too.) The whole Scripture of the Old Testament is meant. Joh 10:34 15:25 1Co 14:21 Josephus on the same occasion says: (l. 12 c. 7.)

``Wherever any holy book was found as also the law and they with whom it was discovered, both did miserably perish.''

3349. Severus Sulpicius, (Sacr. Histor. l. 2.) is of the same opinion and writes:

``The holy volumes of the law and the prophets were consumed in our fires.''

3350. On the 25th day of the month Casleu, sacrifices were offered on the idol altar which was erected on the altar of God. /APC 1Ma 1:59 This was 145th year of the Seleucia's reign in olympiad 153. (Joseph. Antiq. l. 12. c. 7. & 11.)

3351. At the same time, two women who had circumcised their children, were accused. Their children were hanging about their necks. After they had been publicly led through the city, they threw them down headlong from a wall. Their families and those that had circumcised the infants were killed. /APC 1Ma 1:61 2Ma 6:10

3352. The Galatians under Advettas their leader, attacked the kingdom of Eumenes and made quite a disruption. A truce was made for the time of winter. The Gauls went home again and the king withdrew to Pergamos to his winter quarters where he fell sick of a serious disease. (Livy l. 45. with Polyb. Legat. 93.)

3353. When Antiochus saw that his edicts were despised by the people, he forced everyone by torture to eat unclean meats and to renounce Judaism. (Joseph. Bellum de Maccab.) Howbeit, many of the Israelites were fully resolved not to eat any unclean thing and they chose to die that they might not be defiled with those meats and not profane the holy covenant. /APC 1Ma 1:62,63.

3354. Therefore Antiochus sat in an imminent place, as president with his assessors and his army with their weapons around them. He ordered every Hebrew to be snatched away and to eat swine's flesh and such things as had been offered to idols. If any should refuse the profane meat, they were to be executed after being racked on wheels. (Joseph. Bellum de Maccab.)

3355. Of the many that were taken, a leader, Eleazar was captured. He was a 90 year old priest who was a famous scribe and most expert in the knowledge of the laws. He was well known to many of the followers of Antiochus and was brought before them. He refused to eat swine's flesh nor did he pretend to have eaten it. He chose rather to undergo the most cruel torments than to violate the law. (Joseph. Bellum de Maccab.) /APC 2Ma 6:18-31.

3356. After him, seven young brothers with their most courageous mother were brought before Antiochus. They refused to taste swine's flesh. After they had been tortured to death with newly invented torments handled in a most cruel manner. The most noble martyrdom of these persons is found described in /APC 2Ma 7 and in the small treatise of Josephus, touching the Maccabees, entitled "Of the Empress Reason". In the Latin paraphrase of it written by Rufinus, these persons are reported to be brought from their citadel named Sasandrum to Antioch to the king. Their names were Maccabeus, Aber, Machir, Judas, Aelias, Areth, Jacob, and the mother's name is said to be Solomona. However, the later Hebrew historians call her Hannah.

3357. In Judah, about this time, Rhazis an elder of Jerusalem gave a notable example to others. He risked his body and soul for the defence of the Jewish religion. For this love to his country he was termed, "The Father of the Jews." /APC 2Ma 14:37,38

3358. The king's officers, who in Judea forced men to this apostasy, came to the town called Modin. They planned to compel the Israelites to sacrifice to idols. /APC 1Ma 2:15 Modin was a village near Diospolis, as Eusebius relates in his book. Mattathias son of Jonathan, which was the son of Simeon, lived there at that time. He was a priest of Jerusalem of the family of Jehoiarib, who was the first among the 24 courses. 1Ch 24:7 He had five sons, John called Caddes or Gaddes, Simon called Thassi, Judas called Maccabeus, Eleazar called Abaron or Avaran, and Jonathan called Apphus. /APC 1Ma 2:1-5 Those seven martyrs who died at Antioch are called Maccabean brethren from their older brother Maccabeus. So the custom prevailed that from Judas Maccabeus, if not the first of Mattathias' five sons in age (as Josephus thinks in his first book of the war, chapter one.) By the account of prowess and glory they achieved, /APC 1Ma 2:66 3:4,9 4:25 they all received the common name of Maccabees. However, their father Mattathias or Matthias is called by Josephus (Bellum l. 1. c. 1. as also in the Chronicle of Eusebius, and the lesser Seder Olam of the Hebrews) the son of Asamonaeus. In (Antiq. l. 12. c. 8) he is called the son of John, the son of Simeon, the son of Assamoneas. The ordinary Hebrews think Mattathias to have been called Hasamoneus and that from him that surname descended to his posterity. R. David Kimchi thinks this is based on Ps 68:5-32 where he denotes the word ~ynsfx, "princes."

3359. Antiochus' officers earnestly exhorted Mattathias when he was brought to them to set an example and yield obedience to the king. The city of Modin was fortified with his sons and brethren. This he refused to do and killed a certain Jew whom he saw sacrificing on the heathen altar and at the same time killed the king's commissioner also (called by Joseph. Antiqu. l. 12. c. 8, Apelles) who forced men to sacrifice there. He threw down the altar and after that exhorted all who were zealous of the law to follow him. He with his sons fled into the mountains and left all their goods in the city. /APC 1Ma 2:16-28

3360. Then many, that sought after justice went down into secret places and together with their children and wives and cattle lived in caves. When this was known by Philip, (that Phrygian whom Antiochus had left governor at Jerusalem) /APC 2Ma 5:22 the king's commanders with the garrison of the citadel of Jerusalem pursued after them. When they could not persuade them to obey the king's commandment, they threw fire into the cave on the sabbath day. They killed about 1000 people including their wives and children with the cattle. Those who were trapped there, made no resistance and honoured the sabbath day. (/APC 1Ma 2:29-38 2Ma 6:11 Joseph. Antiq. l. 12. c. 8.)

3361. When Mattathias and his friends were told of this, they grieved for them. They decided that from then on they would attack the enemy to drive him out. (/APC 1Ma 2:39-41 Joseph. Antiq. l. 12. c. 8.)

3362. The company of Asideans joined them. They were religious men who voluntarily offered themselves for the defence of the law by arms, and all who were compelled to flee from the wicked. They set up an army and killed some of the impious men and forced others to flee to other countries. However, Mattathias and his friends marched up and down the country and threw down altars. They circumcised all children whom they found uncircumcised in the land of Israel. They chased the enemy and had good success. /APC 1Ma 2:42-48

3363. Fearing the Romans, the Cibyrates did not want Polyaratus the Rhodian, among them. They were unable to take him to Rome because they were not skilled sailors. They sent an embassy to Rhodes and also into Macedonia to L. Emilius Paulus the proconsul asking them to take the man. The proconsul wrote to the Cibyrates that they should keep Polyaratus in custody and bring him to Rhodes. He ordered the Rhodians that he should secretly be brought to Rome by sea. So this was done and Polyaratus was at last brought to Rome. (Polyb. in Excerptis Valesi. p. 414.)

3364. King Eumenes sent his brother Attalus to Rome for the help to settle the invasion of the Galatians. He was also to congratulate the senate about the victory over Perseus. Attalus cheerfully lead this embassy because he had assisted the Romans in that war and exposed himself to all dangers as a willing and devoted confederate. He might by some testimony of favour and benevolence, try to find out how acceptable that service was to the senators. Lest he should be tempted also to procure the kingdom, Eumenes sent after his brother to Rome, Stratius the physician. He was a person of most trusted and of great authority with him. He was to be a faithful spy of the things that were done by his brother and a trusty monitor if he should see him depart from his fidelity to Eumenes. (Polyb. Legat. 93. Livy l. 45.)

3365. When all men kindly received Attalus at Rome for they knew him and his actions for them in the war and considered him a friend. When a larger number came to honour him than he expected, he became proud not knowing the true reason for which he was so kindly entertained. Most of the Romans did not like Eumenes for they believed that he acted deceitfully in this war, had conferences with Perseus and was waiting to take advantage of any difficulty the Romans may have. Some high officials were eager to draw Attalus into a private discussion and encourage him to lay aside the mission he had undertaken for his brother and to entreat for himself. They said the senate was alienated from his brother and desirous to give him his brother's kingdom. Hence it came to pass that Attalus' mind was so puffed up that he even asked some of these officials to bring the matter to the senate for debate. However Stratius the physician, a person of outstanding prudence and powerful eloquence persuaded him otherwise. He told him that he indeed did now reign with his brother and in the future, he would be left the undoubted successor to the kingdom. This may not be too far off since Eumenes was quite sick and expected to die at anytime. The new disruption in the kingdom from the insurrection of the Gauls, could scarcely be handled by both of them acting together much less if their was civil war in the kingdom. Therefore when Attalus came into the senate, he first expressed joy for the overthrow of Perseus. Then he talked of his active part in that war. Lastly, he requested the senate to send ambassadors to the Galatians. By their authority they should make them stop this war and return to their own lands. He also spoke of the cities of Enions and Maronites which he requested might be given to him. Concerning the accusation against his brother and the division of the kingdom, he said nothing. (Polyb. Legat. 93. Livy l. 45. c. 19.)

3366. The senate thought that Attalus would come to them again and discuss the matter of the kingdom so they promised him to send ambassadors. They were very generous in the gifts they gave to him which were given according to custom. Moreover they promised to give him those cities he asked for. After all this had been done for him, Attalus left the city and the things the senate hoped for did not happen. The senators were frustrated and while Attalus was still in Italy, they declared Aenum and Maronea to be free and reneged on the promise which they had made to Attalus. However, the embassy headed by Publius Licinius was sent to the Galatians. (Polyb. Legat. 93.)

3367. Among the many embassies of Asia and Greece, after Attalus the ambassadors of the Rhodians drew the most attention. They had at this time a two fold mission. First they turned over Philocrates and the later Philophron and Astymedes. (Polyb. Legat. 93. Livy l. 45. c. 20.) When the Rhodians received the reply that was given to Agesipolis shortly after the battle with Perseus, they knew the anger of the senators was against them. When they heard their threats, they immediately sent those embassies. (Polyb. Legat. 93.)

3368. The delegates appeared first in white clothing as a sign of rejoicing over the Roman victory. If they had come in dirty clothes, they might have looked like mourners for the misfortune of Perseus. The senators had consulted with Marcus Junius the consul while the ambassadors stood in the public assembly. They wanted to determine if they would give to them the place, rewards and a hearing. They decided that no rite of hospitality should be given to them. The consul left the senate and the Rhodians told them they came to congratulate them on their victory and clear the accusations against their city. They requested that they might appear before the senate. They were told that that the Romans usually gave their confederates and friends hospitality, lodging, entertainment and also a senate. However the Rhodians in that war were not considered confederate friends. When they heard this, they all prostrated themselves on the ground and begged the consul and all that were present that they would no more look upon new and false incriminations to their harm than on their previous service to which the Romans were witnesses. They immediately put on mourning clothes and went up and down with prayers and tears to the houses of the chief persons. They entreated them that they would first understand their cause before they were condemned. (Livy l. 45. c. 20.)

3369. Marcus Juventius Talua the praetor, whose job was to oversee the affairs between the citizens and foreigners, stirred up the people against the Rhodians. He set a dangerous precedent of not going though the senate nor the consuls. He made a motion that Rome should declare war on Rhodes and one of the magistrates of that year should be sent with a fleet to manage the war. He hoped that he would be the one to lead the force. M. Antonius and Marcus Pomponius, the tribunes of the people opposed this motion. The praetor and tribunes disputed this matter. The tribunes succeeded in persuading the assembly to defer the matter until Aemilius the general arrived. (Livy l. 45. c. 21.) Antonius violently removed the praetor from the desk. The ambassadors of the Rhodians were brought by him to the senate and made their speeches. Philophron spoke first and then Astymedes. (Polyb. Legat. 93. cum Diod. Sic. Legat. 19. & in Photii Bibliothecca, cod. 244.) The later part of the speech of Astymedes is found in Livy but the first part is missing. Polybius states that Astymedes put his speech among his letters and gave them to the public. However, the same author observes about that speech that it was not liked by the more prudent persons because (perhaps in the first part of it which is missing in Livy) he undertook the defence of his own country in such a manner by accusing the rest of the Greeks.

3370. After the speech was over, they all fell down on their faces and in a humble manner cast down the olive branches. At length they got up again and left the assembly. When the vote was held, those who held the office of consuls or praetors or ambassadors in Macedonia or were involved in the war, were most enraged against the Rhodians. However, Marcus Portius Cato advanced their cause who in spite of his naturally stern disposition, at that time showed himself a gentle and meek senator. He added the speech which he spoke for them in the senate to his fifth book of his Origines, or Derivations. (Livy l. 45. c. 25.) Finally the senators severely upbraided the Rhodians with many things. The reply given to the Rhodians was so phrased that while they were not turned into enemies they did not continue to be allies. (Polyb. Diod. Sic. & Livy l. 45 c. 25.)

3371. When the answer was given, Philocrates immediately went to Rhodes and Astymedes remained at Rome so that he might know what things were going on and notify his country men accordingly. The Rhodians were relieved that the fear of war had past and took the rest of the news sadly but were content. (Polyb. & Livy l. 45. c. 25.)

3372. P. Licinius and the rest of the ambassadors who were sent with Attalus to end the war between the Gauls and King Eumenes arrived at Synnas. At this time Eumenes, who was now recovered, in the beginning of the spring, was up and around and had gathered his army from various places to Sardis. At Synnas, the Roman delegates conferred with Solovetius, the captain of the Gauls and Attalus went along with them. He would not enter into the camp of the Gauls lest his presence should inflame the situation. P. Licinius, talked with the captain of the Gauls and found him more fierce after his talk. So much so it seemed strange that the words of the Roman delegates should prevail so much among those rich kings of Antiochus and Ptolemy that they should make peace. However they held no weight with the Gauls. (Livy l. 45)

3373. Toward summer, the Rhodians sent Theatetus (the copies of Livy have Theodotus) the admiral of the fleet, with a crown of the value of 10,000 or, as we read it in Livy, 20,000 of gold, (at the rate of 16 pounds a piece) that they might by all means procure the friendship with the Romans. They desired that this might so be requested from the Romans that no vote of the Rhodian people should be made concerning it should it be committed to writing. They feared that if they should not obtain it in addition to the failure of their embassy, they would be more disgraced after this refusal. However the truth is that although before this, the Rhodians had assisted the Romans for over 40 years. They continued in their friendship that they never bound themselves to them by a league of amity. They did not want to cut off from the kings the hope that the Rhodians might come to their help if the need arose. Neither did they want to deprive themselves of the chance of profiting from the goodwill and good fortune of these kings. However, now with most earnest desire they endeavoured to procure this honour not that they were in love with new confederates or stood in fear of any save only the Romans themselves. They hoped to reduce Rome's suspicion of them. (Polyb. Legat. 93. Livy l. 45. c. 25. Dio, Legat. 21. or 22.)

3374. Theaetetus had barely arrived at Rome from Rhodes when the Caunians revolted from them. The people of Mylassa occupied the towns of the Euromenses. The Rhodians quickly sent Lycus with an army and forced the Caunians with the help the Cibyrates, to submit to their government. In a battle near Orthesia, they defeated the Mylassens with the Alabandens who had taken away the province of the Euromenses. (Polyb. & Livy l. 45. c. 25.)

3375. At the same time the senate published a decree granting liberty to the Carians and Lycians. After this war the Rhodians were fearful. They thought they had wasted the money giving the crown and vain were the hopes of friendship with the Romans. Thus the Rhodians lost Lycia and Caria, after they had been forced to endure their wars to gain them. (Polyb. Legat. 93. & 140. Livy l. 45. c. 25. Appian. Syriac, p. 116.)

3376. When a senate was granted to Theaetetus, he entreated them concerning the entrance into a league with the Rhodians. While the senators made delays, he died at the age of 80 years. Later the Caunians and Stratonicians, that were in exile, came to Rome. When they were heard by the senate, the senate decreed that the Rhodians must withdraw their garrisons from Caunus and Stratonicea. When the answer was known, Phylophron and Astymedes quickly returned to their country. They feared that if the Rhodians should not recall their garrisons, new calamities would befall their city. (Polyb. Legat. 99.)

3377. About the same time, the Cnossians and Gortynians waged war with the Raucians. They made a league among themselves which they confirmed by an oath that they would not end the war before they had taken Raucus by force. (Polyb. Legat. 100.)

3378. When the Rhodians were notified about the Caunians, they knew the Romans were still angry with them. They obeyed the decree of the senate. (Polyb. Legat. 100.) Thus they lost Caunus which they had bought from the commanders of Ptolemy with 200 talents. They also lost Strotonicea, which they had received as a generous gift from Antiochus and Seleucus. Both cities paid 120 talents yearly to their city. (Polyb. Legat. 104.)

3379. The Rhodians sent an embassy to Rome headed by Aristotle. They were to earnestly ask for friendship with the Romans. About mid-summer the ambassadors arrived and were heard before the senate. They said the Rhodians had obeyed all the things they were asked and they urged the senators with many reasons to grant them amity. The senate's reply contained no mention of amity for the Rhodians. (Polyb. Legat. 100.)

3838a AM, 4547 JP, 167 BC

3380. At the beginning of autumn, L. Aemilius Paulus appointed C. Sulpitius Gallus, to oversee the army. Paulus went with a small retinue to view Greece. His son Scipio and Athenaeus, brother of Eumenes the King, were his bodyguards. He granted liberty to Macedonia and enacted laws suitable for confederates. After settling his serious affairs, he instituted at Amphipolis games which he had been long preparing for. He had sent messengers into the cities of Asia and notified the kings of it. However, in Greece he visited the cities personally and notified the governors of it. In that great gathering of Europe and Asia, a multitude came from every quarter. Some came to congratulate the Romans. Others came to see the sight of such large army and naval forces. Provisions were abundant and cheap. Most received gifts of food for their need and enough to take back home. (Livy l. 45. c. 32,33)

3381. Labeo was sent by the Romans to destroy Antissa in the island Lesbos and for the resettling of the Larysseans to Methymna. When Antenor, Perseus' admiral had sailed about Lesbos, they received and furnished him with supplies. (Livy. c. 45.)

3382. Prusias (Venator), king of Bithynia, with his son Nicomedes, came to Rome. The senate sent L. Cornelius Scipio the treasurer, to meet him at Capua and decreed that a most excellent house should be rented for him at Rome. Provisions were to be charged to the public account for himself and all his retinue. He was entertained and treated like a good friend by the whole city of Rome. (Livy l. 45. c. 44. Valer. Maxim. l. 5. c. 1.)

3383. After he entered the city with a great train, he went from the gate and the judgment seat of Q. Cussius the mayor, to the forum. A large crowd was on every side. He said, that he came to worship the gods who dwelt at Rome as also to greet the senate and Roman people. He congratulated them on their victory over Perseus and Gentius the king. They increased their empire by subduing the Macedonians and Sclavonians. When the mayor had told him that if he pleased, he would hold a senate for him that day. He requested a two day delay so that he might visit the temples of the gods, the city and his friends. L. Cornelius Scipio the treasurer was appointed to him for a guide. The third day, he came to the senate and congratulated them on their victory. He mentioned his part in that war and requested that he might be allowed to perform his vow by offering 10 large sacrifices in the capitol at Rome and one at Praeneste to Fortune. These were his vows for the conquest of the people of Rome and that his friendship with the Romans would be renewed. He wanted the land that was taken from King Antiochus and was occupied by the Gauls, although the Romans had given it to no one. Last of all, he entrusted his son Nicomedes to the senate. He was supported by all those who had been commanders in Macedonia. Therefore the rest of his requests were granted. Concerning the land, they said they would send ambassadors to inquire whether it belonged to the Roman people and was assigned to no one. They willingly accepted Nicomedes. Ptolemy, king of Egypt whose kingdom was preserved by the Romans when Antiochus invaded it, testified to the care the Roman people took of the children of their confederate kings. Moreover, it was commanded, that beasts and other things that were needed for sacrifices, whether he would offer them at Rome or at Praeneste, should be given to the king, as to the Roman magistrates at the public expense. 20 long ships should be given to him from the fleet which lay at Brundusium. He could use these until the king came to the fleet that assigned to him. Also L. Cornelius Scipio should accompany him and should pay all his expenses until they should take sail. It is reported, that the king was overjoyed by the kindness of the Roman people. He refused the gifts that were given to him but commanded his son to accept of the gift of the Roman people. These things the Roman writers relate of Prusias. (Livy. l. 45. c. 44.)

3384. Polybius and other Greek authors write, that when he came into the senate, he bowed low and kissed the threshold of the senate and called the senators, his tutelary gods. He spoke not so honourably to the hearers as unbecoming to himself. For this extraordinary action, he received a more courteous answer from the senate, (Id. ibid. Polyb. Legat. 97. Diod. Sic. Legat. 22. or 23.) However, after he stayed in the city about 30 days, he left for his kingdom. (Livy l. 45. c. 44.)

3385. About this time, news arrived that Eumenes was on his way to Rome. If he were excluded from Rome, he might be thought to be an enemy because he remained neutral in the Macedonian war. If he were admitted, people would think he was exonerated. There was a general law made that no king should be permitted to come to Rome. (Polyb. Legat. 97. Livy c. 46.) After it was known that Eumenes had arrived at Brundusium in Italy, they sent to him the treasurer, to bring this decree to him. He was to ask whether he had to address the senate about anything. If he had no request to make to the senators, then he should tell the treasurer and quickly leave Italy. After the king had met with the treasurer and understood the pleasure of the senate, he said nothing about business with him and assured him that he needed nothing. By this means the Romans prevented Eumenes' arrival at Rome and procured something else that was of great concern to them. The kingdom of Pergamos was in great danger from the Galatians. There was no doubt that by this disgraceful rejection of Eumenes, the courage of all his friends would be abated. The Galatians would be twice as courageous in waging war. This happened at the beginning of winter. (Polyb. Legat. 97.)

3838 AM, 4548 JP, 166 BC

3386. Mattathias exhorted his sons to the study of piety and to defend the law of God. He commended Simon to them, as a counsellor and father, but Judas Maccabeus, as the commander of their wars because from his youth he was very brave. After this, he blessed them and he died in the 146th year of the kingdom of the Greeks. He had governed the miserable and banished troops one year. His sons buried him in the sepulchres of their fathers at Modin and all the Israelites bewailed him with a great lamentation. (/APC 1Ma 2:49-70 Joseph. l. 12. c. 8. 9.)

3387. Judas Maccabeus' brothers and all who followed his father helped him. He succeeded in his father's place. /APC 1Ma 3:1,2 He went secretly into the villages and exhorted their kinsmen and took those with them who remained loyal to the Jewish religion. They gathered 6000 men and called on the Lord that he would take pity on his profaned temple and the ruined city. He would hear the blood that cried to him and remember the unjust death of the innocent infants and the blasphemies that were committed against his name. They asked that he would show his hatred against the wicked. /APC 2Ma 8:1-4

3388. In the meantime when Antiochus heard of the games held by Emilius Paulus in Macedonia he planned to have more magnificent games than Paulus held. He sent delegates and observers into the cities who declared that at Daphane near Antioch, games would be held by him. His intent was that from all Greece (as Polybius) or from all parts of the world (as Diodorus states) famous men might eagerly come to that show. Polybius in the 31st book of his history thus describes the games.

3389. First there were 5000 men in their prime dressed like Roman soldiers, with clubbed brigantines. After these followed just as many Mysians. Next came 3000 lightly armed Cilicians, harnessed with golden crowns. After this came 3000 Thracians and 5000 Galatians. Some had silver shields. After this came 240 pairs of gladiators. They were followed by 1000 riding on Pisaean or rather Nisaean horses. (The most learned Casaubon has corrected this error.) 3000 were riding on common horses and most had gold or silver crowns. These were followed by about 1000 cavalry by their confederates and friends who were all furnished with golden trappings. With these followed 1000 more cavalry of their associate friends adorned in the same way. Besides these marched 1000 choice men who were excellent horsemen. They were followed by about 1000 called by the Greeks, Agema or the company. Lastly came 1500 horsemen in complete armour from head to toe called by the Greeks, Cataphracti because both men and horses were covered with arms. All these persons had purple coats. Some of the coats were interwoven with gold and had with the image of live beasts. After these marched 100 chariots with six horses abreast and 42 wagons with four horses abreast. There was a chariot drawn with a pair elephants, and another with two horses. After these followed 36 single elephants in no particular order.

3390. Next came about 800 youths with golden coronets and almost 5000 fat oxen with 300 tables for holy uses plus 800 elephants' teeth. Then men carried whatever they said or believed to be gods or Genii. Some carried images of their heroes, Some of them were gilded over and others were clothed in golden robes. Each one gallantly adorned with his eulogy and motto according to the legend written about him. To these were added the images of the night, of the day, the earth, of the heavens, of the morning and of the noon. 1000 pages belonging to Dionysius, the king's secretary, went in this pompous train, carrying silver vessels none of which weighed less than a 1000 drachmas. These were followed by 600 more of the king's pages carrying vessels of gold. Then came about 200 women whose job was to sprinkle the spectators with their sweet ointments from their golden chalices. In the rear came 80 women gloriously clothed and adorned with costly clothes who were carried in litters with golden legs. 500 came in litters with silver legs. These things were most remarkable in the pageantry.

3391. After this, a great number of contests of sports, fencing and hunting were held for 30 days. All this time a variety of ointments was provided by the king for all who played for any prize. For this purpose 15 golden jars were brought full of ointments of saffron. An equal number contained cinnamon and spikenard. These ointments were given freely for the first 5 days. For the rest of the games ointments of olive oil, marjoram, and lilies were given freely. For the guests, sometimes 1000 other times 1500 tables were most richly spread. All these things were magnificently performed. He paid for these from what he had cheated king Philometor out of in Egypt while he was still a minor. Other funds came from the spoils of those many temples which he had plundered. (Polyb. in Athenaus, l. 5. c. 4. & l. 10. c. 12.)

3392. But the glory of this preparation was eclipsed and debased by those unworthy actions the king did personally. For he went riding up and down on a little riding horse ordering as he pleased, some to stand, others to pass. He did this in such a way that except for his diadem no one would have thought him a king who barely qualified as a servant. All the times of the feast, he stood at the doors of the rooms where the feast was kept. He conducted some in, others he placed at the tables. He ushered in the servants that brought in the dishes. Sometimes he walked around, sometimes he sat down and sometimes he lay on the floor. Often he would run around to remove a dish or a cup from the table. In drinking with his guests, he now and then drank to those who drank to him. He sported and jested with such as were so inclined. Moreover, many had left because the feast went on for a long time, he came in a disguise brought in by the actors and laid along on the ground as if he had been one of their company. Finally, he was roused by the sound of music, he got up and started dancing and acting his part with ridiculous gestures. All were so ashamed of the king's behaviour, they left the feast. (Polyb. ibid. & cum secutus Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Valesi. p. 321.)

3393. The show finally finished. Tiberius Gracchus, was sent as an ambassador by the senate to Antiochus. He was to determine what the king was up to and spy on his affairs. The king entertained him with such cheerfulness and alacrity that he did not suspect a plot or discover the least token of alienation in him for what had happened at Alexandria. Tiberius opposed those who wanted to impeach him. Antiochus gave his royal palace to the ambassadors of Rome which was as good as his very diadem. Notwithstanding all this ceremony, his will and affection was most irreconcilably alienated against the Romans. (Polyb. Legat. 101. & 109. Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Vales. p. 322.)

3394. While Antiochus was at leisure in the games at Daphne, Judas Maccabeus was busy in Judea. He was greatly helped by his brothers. He drove out the enemy, killed his apostate countrymen and purged the land from its uncleanness. (Joseph. l. 12. c. 9.) He attacked cities and villages by surprise and burned them. He controlled the most strategic places. He routed large numbers of his enemies. He usually attacked by night to get the element of surprise. The fame of his valour spread everywhere. /APC 1Ma 3:8,9 2Ma 8:6,7

3395. Ambassadors were sent from the Galatians in Asia to Rome. The senate granted them freedom to rule themselves as long as they stayed in their land and did not attack other lands. (Polyb. Legat. 102.)

3396. Pytho was sent on a mission from Prusias, king of Bithynia to Rome. He complained to the senate about Eumenes. He had pillaged Prusias' territories and seized some places for himself. He charged also that Eumenes would not stop his encroachment on Galatia nor submit to the decrees of the senate. He only advanced his own interests. On the contrary, Prusias obeyed the desires of the Roman people and desired that his country be governed by the precepts of the senate. Likewise, others came from the Asiatic cities with fresh accusations, hinting at an alliance between Eumenes and Antiochus against the Romans. When the senate had heard these things, they did not refute the accusations or say what they would do. They kept everything secret and watched carefully the actions of Eumenes and Antiochus with increasing jealousy. In the meantime, they satisfied the Galatians in some matters and helped them affirm their freedom. (Polyb. Legat. 104. Livy l. 46.)

3397. Astymedes the Rhodian delegate, pleaded his country's cause at Rome before the senate. He was now more moderate and not so hot in his speech as in his former ambassage. He omitted all recriminations and made it his only business at present to show that his countrymen had suffered sufficiently and far beyond the degree of the offence. His main complaint was that the Rhodians had lost the revenue from their harbour. In regard to that, the Romans had discharged Delos from paying tribute and had also taken from the people the liberty which they formerly enjoyed in determining tariffs and other matters of public concern. The custom duties which in former times netted a million drachma now barely amounted to 150,000. The senate knew that only a few were engaged in criminal behaviour and these had been punished by the people. He requested that they would not show their displeasure against those who were not involved in any way but to receive them into their grace and favour as they did before. Their country stood more in need of friends in peacetime than an ally for war. His speech seemed so suitable to the present condition of the Rhodians that when Tiberius Gracchus (who was recently from Asia where he was an ambassador) said this. The Rhodians had submitted themselves to the decrees of the senate and all were executed who had anything to do with bringing the Rhodians into disfavour with the Romans. He silenced his adversaries and prevailed with the Romans that they would take the Rhodians into their alliance. (Polyb. Legat. 104.)

3398. Tiberius could not tell any more to the Senate about the plans of Eumenes and Antiochus than that they know before Tiberius had left Rome. The kings had entertained him most graciously. (Polyb. Legat. 105.)

3399. Apollonius, governor of Samaria raised a large army from the Gentiles and Samaritans and attacked the Jews. However, Judas Maccabeus killed him and many others. The rest fled. Judas took the spoil including Apollonius' own sword which always used in the war after that. (/APC 1Ma 3:10-12 Joseph. l. 12. c. 10.)

3400. Seron who governed Coelosyria heard how that Judas was well equipped with an army and large numbers from all parts were coming to him. Seron mustered all the forces under his command including the renegade Jews and camped near the way up to Bethhoron. Judus routed his whole army and 800 of them were killed. The rest fled into the land of the Philistines near the sea coast. (/APC 1Ma 3:13-24 Joseph. l. 12. c. 10.)

3839a AM, 4548 JP, 166 BC

3401. As soon as the news of this defeat came to Antiochus, he was so furious that immediately levied all the troops of his kingdom. He gave them a year's pay and ordered them to be ready for service. After this salary was paid, he saw his treasury was empty.The Jewish revolt deprived him of 300 talents of silver each year. Also intense persecution raged in the Greek cities and many regions thus reducing his revenues. He did not spare the Gentiles while he try to make the forsake their ancient superstitions and conform to his worship. Insomuch, that he feared that he would not find enough to defray his expenses and gratuities. In this he was very generous and surpassed all the kings that came before him. He determined to go into Persia to get money there. /APC 1Ma 3:27-31 (Joseph. l. 12. c. 11. Sever. Sulpic. Sacr. Histor. l. 2.)

3402. Before he left, he put Lysias of Syrian royalty, as governor over all the regions from the river Euphrates to the borders of Egypt. He entrusted him with the care of his son Antiochus. (Eupator) He committing to him, half of all his forces and his elephants. He was ordered to utterly to root out the name of the Jews and to give their country to strangers. Antiochus left with the rest of his sons from Antioch near Daphne in the 147th year of the kingdom of Greeks. He crossed over the Euphrates River and marched into the high countries. /APC 1Ma 3:32-37

3403. Philip, whom Antiochus had appointed over Jerusalem /APC 2Ma 5:22 saw how Judas Maccabeus grew stronger and stronger every day. He wrote to Ptolemy (son of Dorymenes) the governor of Coelosyria for help. Ptolemy immediately sent Nicanor son of Patroclus, a most trusted friend, with more than 20,000 soldiers from all nations. He was to exterminate the Jews. Ptolemy also sent Gorgias as a joint commander. He was a captain who was quite experienced in military affairs. /APC 2Ma 8:8,9

3404. Lysias also sent Ptolemy as a reserve to them. Under these three commanders, Ptolemy, Nicanor and Gorgias, were 40,000 foot soldiers and 7,000 cavalry. They marched with their entire army and camped by Emmaus in the plain country. /APC 1Ma 3:38-40

3405. Since Antiochus was 2000 talents in arrears to the Romans, Nicanor settle the account from the sale of the captive Jews. For that purpose, he invited from the cities near the seacoast 1000 merchants. He promised them 90 slaves for one talent. /APC 2Ma 8:10,11,14,34,36. No sooner was this known but the merchants of the country with their attendants came to the camp to purchase the Jews for slaves. Large numbers also came from Syria and the Philistines to barter for slaves. /APC 1Ma 3:41

3406. Jerusalem being now abandoned by its inhabitants and the temple was profaned. In these distressing times, Judas Maccabeus moved with his army to Maspha or Mizpa. Before the temple was built, the Jews used to worship there. Jud 11:11 20:1 21:5,8 1Sa 7:5,6 10:17 He proclaimed a fast and with most fervent prayers asked the Lord's protection of his small army. He had only 6000 (7000 in the Latin edition) against this huge force. After this, such as had betrothed wives or planted vineyards or were afraid he sent away according to the law.De 20:6-8 He divided his army into four squadrons of 1500 men and each squadron to one of his brothers. The army moved and camped on the south side of Emmaus opposite to the enemy. Judas earnestly exhorted them to behave valiantly even to die for their country and the laws of their God. He ordered them to be ready for the battle the next day. /APC 1Ma 3:42-60 2Ma 8:12-22

3407. That night Gorgias planned a surprise attack. He took 500 foot soldiers and 1000 choice cavalry and came toward the Jew's camp. He had the garrison soldiers of Fort Sion for his escort. When Judas found this out, he wisely used this opportunity to attack the enemy while they were divided. He marched immediately to Emmaus against Nicanor while Gorgias their normal commander away. When Gorgias came by night to the Jew's camp and no one was there. He thought they had fled and searched for them in the mountains. At the break of day Judas showed himself in the plains of Emmanus with 3000 men. These had neither armour or swords. /APC 1Ma 4:1-6

3408. Judas encouraged his soldiers to the battle and given the word to fight. By the help of God, he led the troops against Nicanor and killed more than 9000 and wounded and maimed the most of Nicanor's army. They were all routed. The Jews pursued some of them from Emmanus as far as Gazara (as the Greek copy of the Maccabees, in the end of Arundel's library reads it) or Gadara (as Josephus). Other fled to the plains of Idumea, others as far as Palestine, Azotus, and Jamnia. About 3000 stragglers were killed. /APC 1Ma 4:8-15 2Ma 8:23,24

3409. Among those that fled were the merchants, who were certain of victory and of getting a good bargain on slaves. They became targets themselves. The Jews seized their money which the brought to buy them with. When they had long pursued them they sounded a retreat. For the evening, on which the sabbath began, was drawing near. After that they had gathered up the arms of the vanquished host and taken the spoils from them, they prepared for the observation of the sabbath,. They magnified the mercy of God for this so marvellous a deliverance. /APC 2Ma 8:25-27

3410. Judas has his Jews who were eager for plunder to stop. He feared of an encounter with Gorgias who was now returned from his fruitless expedition. Those forces were in the mountains. The enemy knew what had happened by the smoke of the burning tents and the other division of their army was routed. When they saw Judas on the plain, standing in battle array ready to engage them, they all scattered into the land of strangers. The land was thus cleared of the enemy. Judas returned to the spoil where he found plenty of gold, blue silk, purple of the sea, which the Phoenician merchants had left behind them and much wealth. /APC 1Ma 4:16-23 All this the soldiers shared among themselves, having first set aside a portion for the maimed, widows and orphans. Then together they beseeched the Lord that he would continue to be gracious and favourable to his servants. /APC 2Ma 8:28,29

3411. After this the Jews fought with Timothy and Bacchides and slew in that battle more than 20,000 of the enemy. They took over the forts, and divided among themselves much spoil. They set aside some for the maimed, orphans, widows and aged persons into equal portions with themselves. When they had gathered up the arms and disposed of them into the most convenient places, the remainder of the spoil they carried to Jerusalem. They also slew Philarches, one of Timothy's men. He was a most wretched fellow and a notorious persecutor of the Jews. and in the midst of their solemn festival, which they had instituted For their recent victory, they burnt Callisthenes alive after he had taken sanctuary in a little house. He had burned the holy gates. Nicanor stripped himself of all his glorious clothes so to be less noticed. He came like a solitary fugitive through the midland country to Antioch. He confessed that the Jews were utterly unconquerable because they had God for their Protector. /APC 2Ma 8:30-36

3412. Lysias was told by one who esacped what had happened. He was counfounded because the things which he wanted happened to Israel did not occur and the king's ordered were thwarted. /APC 1Ma 4:26,27

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3413. Therefore the next year which was the 148th of the kingdom of the Greeks, Lysias hurried into Judea through Idumea with 60,000 foot soldiers and 5000 cavalry. Judas Maccabeus marched toward him as he was camped at Bethsura on the borders of Judea. First he implored publicly the help of God and started the battle. Lysias saw how the Jews like so many mad men contemning death, broke through their enemy's ranks. His men fled and 5000 were killed there. He returned to Antioch and planned a new expedition after he had gathered a larger army. /APC 1Ma 4:28-35

3414. Antiochus Epiphanes had taken an expedition against Artaxias king of the Armenians, who marched from the eastern parts. Antiochus killed most of his army and took Artaxias prisoner. (Appian. Syriac. p. 117. & 131. Porphyr. apud Jerome in Da 11)

3415. Prusias, king of Bithynia, strongly condemned Eumenes, king of Pergamos, who was already suspected of the Romans. Letters were intercepted that intimated an alliance with Perseus against the Romans. Prusias had also prevailed with the Galatians, Selgenses and many other people of Asia, to do the same. Attalus and Athenaeus were sent to Rome by their brother Eumenes. They had an audience with the Senate and cleared him of all crimes he was accused of. They returned to their country with many honours conferred on them. However, for all this, the senate still suspected an alliance between Eumenes and Antiochus. They sent C. Sulpitius Gallus and Marius Sergius as ambassadors with instructions to examine closely the affairs of Antiochus and Eumenes. They were to see if there were any preparations made for war and if there was any alliance between them against the Romans. (Polyb. Legat. 106. Diod. Sic. Legat. 21.)

3416. When C. Sulpicius Gallus entered Asia he unwisely made a proclamation through the chief cities there. He asked anyone who had anything accusations against king Eumenes, to come to Sardis at a set time. When he arrived, he sat on the bench made for that purpose, and spent 10 days hearing all sorts of things against Eumenes. He was looking for something to impeach him with. Gallus was a vain person and hoped to be honoured by finding fault with Eumenes. (Polyb. l. 31. in Excerpt. Valesii. p. 145.)

3417. When they had some relief from their enemies, Judas Maccabeus and his brothers with all their forces came up to Jerusalem. They retook the temple and the city except the citadel of Sion. They demolished the altars and shrines which the Gentiles had built in the public streets. Judas commanded some men to attack those who were in the citadel of Sion. He spent most of his time in cleansing the temple. His spirit was stirred up by the desolations he saw. /APC 1Ma 4:36-41 2Ma 10:1,2

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3418. Judas assigned the priests who knew the Law to cleanse the sanctuary and move the defiled stones into an unclean place. They pulled down the altar of burnt offerings which was profaned by the Gentiles. Its stones were stored in the mount of the temple until the time when a prophet came who might tell them what ought to be done with them. They built another of whole stones on which no iron tool had been lifted according to the spirit of the law. De 27:5,6 They repaired the Holy and the Holy of Holies. They hallowed the courts and made new holy vessels. They brought into the temple the candlestick, the altar of incense and the table. They burnt incense on the altar, lit the lamps which were on the candlestick. They placed the shewbread on the table, spread the viols, and finished whatever they started. /APC 1Ma 4:42,51 2Ma 10:3

3419. On the 25th day of the 9th month, called Cisleu, or Chasleu, in the 148th year of the kingdom of the Greeks. They rose early in the morning and started a fire by striking stones one against the other. They offered sacrifice according to the law on their new altar of burnt offering. /APC 1Ma 4:52,53 2Ma 10:3 This was 2 years after Judas succeeded his father Mattathias in the government but 3 whole years since the Gentiles first sacrificed in that place. For on that very same day of the same month on which they profaned the old altar, Judas consecrated the new one. (/APC 1Ma 4:54 2Ma 10:3-5 Joseph. l. 12. c. 11.)

3420. This dedication was joyfully celebrated with songs, hymns, citherns, harps, and cymbals. All the people fell prostrate on the ground and worshipped and blessed the God of heaven who had given them good success. They beseeched him that he would not allow them to fall any more in such calamities. If at any time they provoked him, they prayed that he himself would chasten them in mercy and that they might not be delivered up to the blasphemous and barbarous Gentiles. They kept the dedication of deliverances or peace offerings and of praise. They decked the fore front of the temple with golden crowns and shields. They repaired the gates and chambers on the sides of the temple and made doors for them. /APC 1Ma 4:54-58 2Ma 10:4-6

3421. Then Judas and his brethren and all the congregation of Israel, ordained that through the whole country of the Jews, the days of the dedication of the altar should be observed annually with mirth and gladness for 8 days starting with the 25th day of the month Chisleu. /APC 1Ma 4:59 2Ma 10:8 After they had kept the 8 days, they kept the feast of tabernacles. They recalled how not long ago they kept that feast while living about the mountains and caves like wild beasts. Now they carried green boughs, fair branches and palms. They sang praises to him who had brought the purification of his holy place to such a good conclusion. /APC 2Ma 10:6,7 Hence it was, that in the letters which the council at Jerusalem wrote to the Jews in Egypt, these days are called the days of tabernacles of the month Chisleu. /APC 2Ma 1:9,18 In the gospel Joh 10:22 they are called the feast of dedication of the Jews or the feast of lamps. This was either from the sudden eradiation of their religion and liberties, as Josephus intimates (Antiq. l. 13. c. 2.) or from the lighting of the lamps because both at that time and the lighting of the lamps in the temple was restored. /APC 1Ma 4:49,50 2Ma 10:3 Also, to this very day, the Jews in their synagogue still continue their custom of celebrating this feast with the lighting of lamps.

3422. When they had repaired the temple, they fortified mount Sion with high walls and strong towers to contain the enemy. They feared that those who were garrisoned in that fort would sally out against those worshipping at the temple. They fortified Bethsura which was about a half mile away /APC 2Ma 10:5 so that the people might have a garrison for defence against Idumea. /APC 1Ma 4:60,51 4:7-26

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3423. When the surrounding countries heard of the building of the altar and the dedication of the sanctuary, they were much displeased by this. Thereupon, they plotted how they might destroy all the Jews and they began to massacre all those that lived in any of their quarters. /APC 1Ma 5:1,2

3424. Antiochus Epiphanes crossed the high country beyond Euphrates. He heard that the city of Elymais in Persia, (called Persepolis /APC 2Ma 9:2) was a very wealthy city. In its temple, (which Appian reports to be dedicated to Venus, (Elymais in Syriac. p. 131.) but Polybius and Diod to Diana, in Elymais, (in Josephus, l. 12. c. 13. & Jerome in Da 11 with Excerptis Valesii. p. 141.)) was richly appointed and had gold coverings, breast plates and arms left there by Alexander the Great, Philip's son. When he greedily tried to plunder the city, the citizens rose up in arms against him. He was defeated and forced to retreat with much dishonour./APC 1Ma 6:1-4 2Ma 9:1,2

3425. When he arrived at Ecbatana, he was told of the defeat of Nicanor and Timothy in Judea. He left there for Babylon. Near the borders of Persia, he heard also of the great defeat given to Lysias' army, how the image of Jupiter Olympius was cast out of the temple at Jerusalem, and that the sanctuary and Bethsura were fortified. Therefore full of fury, he thought to be avenged upon the Jews for the disgrace he recently received by them. He ordered his chariots to go with all speed to hasten the journey home. He proudly bragged that as soon as he arrived at Jerusalem, he would make that city a common burying place for the Jews. /APC 1Ma 4:4-7 2Ma 9:3,4 The passage of Tacitus (l. 5. Histor.) relates to this:

``King Antiochus endeavoured to reform their religion and to bring in the cities of the Greeks. He was hindered by the Parthian war in his plan of destroying that most base nation.''

3426. Scarcely were these proud words out of Antiochus' mouth, when he was struck with an incurable disease in the bowels and extreme pains. Although his body was quite sick his mind was still sharp. He still breathed out his threats against the Jews. He ordered his chariot man to increase his pace. It happened on this fast journey that he fell out of his chariot. He was badly hurt and his whole body was bruised and his limbs put out of joint. After he was taken up from the ground, he carried about in an horse litter. Worms bred so fast in his body that whole streaks of flesh sometimes dropped from him. While he was still alive in such pitiful state and because of the stench, none could endure to carry him. Thereby he became offensive to his whole army. /APC 2Ma 9:5-10 He was forced to stop his journey to Babylon and to stay at Tabis, a town of Persia. (Polybius, in Excerpt. his Valesii, p. 144. & Jerome, Da 11) He continued bed ridden many days /APC 1Ma 6:8,9 and pined away. (Appian. in Syriac. p. 131.)

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3427. From the beginning of the spring, began the 149th year of the kingdom of the Greeks. /APC 1Ma 6:16 Antiochus Epiphanes gave up any hope of recovering. He called his friends and publicly acknowledged all those miseries to have happened to him for the harm he had done to the Jews. He must now, to his great grief, die in a strange land. /APC 1Ma 6:10-13 When he could no longer endure his own smell, he said:

``It is fitting to submit to God, and for man who is mortal, not to set himself in competition with God.''

3428. In this prayer to God, he vowed that he would allow those of Jerusalem and all other Jews everywhere, the free use of their own constitutions and that in the future, they should enjoy the liberty of their own laws and customs. He promised he would beautify the temple with most rare gifts, restore all the holy vessels. He would defray the costs of the sacrifices from his own treasury and that he himself also would become a Jew. He promised to go through the whole habitable world and declare the power of God. When he saw no lessening of his pains, he wrote most courteous letters to the Jews and earnestly entreated them, that they would remain loyal to him and to his son. While Antiochus lived he had appointed his son to be the next king as was the normal custom. /APC 2Ma 9:11-27

3429. He called Philip to him who was his close friend and raised with him. /APC 2Ma 9:29 He appointed him over the whole kingdom and committed to him his crown, his robe and his signet. His purpose was that after he had taken back his son Antiochus from Antioch, where he had left him with Lysias, he should raise him up to be the next ruler of the kingdom. He was only 9 years old as had been previously hinted from Appian. Thus Antiochus died in 149th year of the kingdom of the Greeks of a miserable death in a strange land on the mountains /APC 2Ma 9:28 of Parata, near Babylon. Grotius writing on this from the 5th book of Curtius, stated that the town Tabis was located here. Polybius (in Excerpt. Velesii, p. 144.) said that he died at Tabis in Persia and Jerome on Da 11 tells (from Polybius and Diodorus) how Antiochus was frightened by certain phantoms and visions. He went mad and at last had a disease which killed him. He attributed his calamity to his sacrilegious designs on Diana's temple. However, Antiochus professed in the presence of all his friends that the basis of all his misery was:

``He robbed the temple at Jerusalem and sent forces to destroy the Jews without any cause.'' /APC 1Ma 6:12,13

3430. His dead corpse was carried out by Philip. He feared Antiochus' son and withdrew himself into Egypt to Ptolemy Philometor. /APC 2Ma 9:29 He planned to raise forces against Lysias. When Lysias had heard of Antiochus Epiphanes' death, he set up his son Antiochus in his place on the throne who was under his guardianship during his minority years and he called him Eupator. /APC 1Ma 6:17 Appian reports, that the Syrians gave him that surname in honour of his father and confirmed that Lysias was his guardian in his upbringing. (in Syriac. p. 117.)

3431. Antiochus Eupator was now in actual possession of the crown and preferred to let Lysias manage the realm. In particular he gave him control of Coelosyria and Phoenicia. Ptolemy Macron, Dorymenes' son, who had that honour formerly under Antiochus Epiphanes, /APC 2Ma 8:8 1Ma 3:38 poisoned himself when he was accused to Eupator as favouring the Jews. He saw the great injustices that were done to them and endeavoured that justice might be done to them and their affairs might be managed in a peaceable manner. He had been called a traitor for turning over Cyprus which was committed to his trust by Philometor, to Antiochus Epiphanes. /APC 2Ma 10:11-13 Polybius gives him this commendation: (in Excerpt. Valesii, p. 126.)

``Ptolemy Macron, the governor of Cyprus behaved himself like an Egyptian in nothing, but was prudent and valiant among the first.''

3432. But Gorgias who had the command of all parts about Judea, hired soldiers and continually pressed the war against the Jews. The Idumeans were allied with him and got control of the best places. They accepted the Jerusalem renegades and attacked the Jews and did what they could to keep the war going. /APC 2Ma 10:14,15

3433. Thereupon Judas Maccabeus at Acrabbates, a region of Idumea, attacked the sons of Esau, who had besieged the Jews. He stormed their garrisons and took control of them. Over 20,000 were killed and he seized on all their spoils. /APC 1Ma 5:3 2Ma 10:16,17

3434. He recalled the injury done to the Jews by the children of Baean. They had hid themselves in secret ambushes along the way sides, by which the Jewish army was to pass. After their last defeat, the Baeanites had escaped with 9000 to 2 very strong citadels and were provided with all things necessary to endure a siege. Therefore Judas Maccabeus left his brother Simon with Joseph and Zacchaeus to besiege them. He marched away to relieve some other places which stood in more need of his help. Those who were with Simon were greedy of money. They made a deal with the besieged for 70,000 drachmas and allowed some to escape. As soon as Maccabeus knew this, he convened the governors of the people and in their presence executed as many of them as where involved in this treachery. He took both the garrisons with little trouble and he burned them to the ground and utterly destroyed more than 20,000 of them. /APC 1Ma 5:4,5 2Ma 10:16-23

3435. From there he passed over to the Ammonites, where he found a very large force with many people under Timotheus' command. He often fought them and defeated them. He took Jazer and its towns and returned to Judea. /APC 1Ma 5:6-8

3436. After his last defeat, Timotheus recruited multitudes of foreign forces and cavalry from Asia. He returned confident of the conquest of Judea. Maccabeus and those that were with him, after a serious humiliation and supplication to God, marched from Jerusalem and fought the enemy a great distance from the city. They were encouraged by visions of some horsemen in the heavens fighting for them. They killed 20,500 of the enemy's foot soldiers and 600 cavalry. Timothy escaped to a very strong garrison called Gazara where his brother Chereas was governor. Finally the garrison was taken. He and his brother with Apollonius were found hiding together in a pit and all three were killed with the sword. /APC 2Ma 10:24-38

3437. The Trocmians, a people of Galatia, tried to get a foothold in Cappadocia. When this failed they sent letters to the Romans hoping to make King Ariarathes odious to them. The Romans soon sent an embassy headed by M. Junius there. (Polyb. Legat. 108.)

3841a AM, 4550 JP, 164 BC

3438. The autumn began the year of the "account of the contracts" or Dhilkarnain as noted by the writer of 2nd Macabees, year 149. The Chaldee account used in the king's edicts, (/APC 2Ma 11:21) and in Ptolemy's great Syntaxis, (l. 9. c. 7. & l. 11. c. 8.) 148 is used. This was also a sabbatical year.

3439. The heathen about the region of Gilead assembled against the Jews who were near their borders and planned to exterminate them. They killed 1000 Jews who lived in the land of Tob. Jud 11:3 They led away their wives and children as captives and took their goods and household belongings. Timothy hurried with an army to besiege those Jews of Gilead who took refuge in the garrison in Dathema. This was not the same Timothy who was killed with his brother Chereas, but another man with the same name. At the same time, others from Ptolemais, Tyre, Sidon and all Galilee of the Gentiles held a meeting to wipe out the Galilaeans. /APC 1Ma 5:9-15

3440. The Gileadites and Galilaeans sent letters to Judas and his brothers and earnestly asked them to hurry to help them. Thereupon after Judas consulted first with those at Jerusalem, he divided his whole army into 5 brigades. He sent his brother Simon with 3000 men to help the Galilaeans. He and his brother Jonathan, took along with them 8000 to help the Gileadites. He left the rest of the army with Joseph, son of Zacharias and with Azaria for the defense of Judea. He strictly charging them that they should not on any condition fight with the heathens until they returned back. /APC 1Ma 5:16-20

3441. As soon was Simon entered Galilee, he attacked the heathens and chased them to the very gates of Ptolemais. They killed 3000 men there and took their spoil. After he had rescued the Galilaeans and those of Arbattis in the plain with their wives, children and all they had, they brought them into Judea with great joy. (/APC 1Ma 5:21-23)

3442. Before Judas could get to the Gileadites, many of them were besieged in Bossora, Bosor, Alemis, Caspher, Maged, Carnain and other cities in Gilead. (/APC 1Ma 5:26,27)

3443. By that time, Judas and his brother had crossed the Jordan River and had gone on a 3 day march through the Arabian Desert. The Nabathites met him and told what had happened to the Gileadites. In addition, they said that on the next day, the enemy planned to attack the garrisons and as fast as they captured them to kill them all in one day. With this news, Judas with his army turned aside by the way of the wilderness to Bozor. After they captured the city they killed all the males, pillaged the city and then burned it to the ground. He left at night and marched toward the fortress where he found the enemy about day break. They were placing the battering rams against the place. Those within the city prayed to God for help. Those that were with Judas marched in three divisions to the rear of the enemy. They blew trumpets and lifted up their voice in prayer. Timothy's camp knew that it was Maccabeus who was so near to them. They fled from him as fast as they could. In the pursuit, he killed 8000 of the enemy. After this, he went to Maspha and took it by storm. He killed all the males and after they had plundered the place, they set it on fire. From there he went and took Chasphon, Maged, Bosor, and the other cities of the country of Gilead. (/APC 1Ma 5:24-36)

3444. While Judas and Jonathan were in Gilead and Simon in Galilee opposite Ptolemais, Joseph, the son of Zacharias and Azarias, who were left behind to hold Judea, heard of their gallant achievements. They were ambitious to get themselves a name as great as the others. Contrary to orders, they took their army as far as Jamnia and planned to fight the heathens. However, Gorgias assembled all his forces from the city against them and drove them back to the very borders of Judea. That day 2000 Jews were killed. (/APC 1Ma 5:55-62)

3841b AM, 4551 JP, 163 BC

3445. Lysias was the protector and kinsman of the young king Eupator. Lysias effectively ran the kingdom. He was greatly upset at what had happened and mustered almost 80,000 men with all his own cavalry and 80 elephants. He marched against the Jews and planned to make Jerusalem a Greek city, the temple a tributary and to sell the office of the high priest every year. Thereupon, when he entered Judea, he besieged Bethsura, which was a strong place about half a mile from Jerusalem. However, Maccabeus' army were guided by an angel and killed 11,000 of the enemy's foot soldiers and 1600 cavalry. All the rest including Lysias fled. Many were badly wounded and others threw away their arms and shifted for themselves. /APC 2Ma 11:1-12

3446. Lysias thought about his defeat and God who fought the battles for the Jews. He sent ambassadors to them to sue for peace and said that he would agree to all reasonable terms. He said he would use his influence to gain favour with the king. Judas Maccabeus agreed and wrote what he thought would be in the best interest of the Jews. This letter was sent by the hands of John and Absalom and contained what Lysias should ask the king for on the behalf of the Jews. The king granted every request. (/APC 2Ma 11:13-15) The letters from both King Antiochus to Lysias and from him to the Jews are found in (/APC 2Ma 11:22-26) These are dated in the year (of the Chaldee account) 148, the 24th day of the month Dioscorinthius as it is in the Greek copies. In the Latin copy (/APC 2Ma 11:16-21) this month in the Chaldee year seems to be intercalated between Dyster and Xanthicus (in which are written, the following letters of the King, and the Romans to the Jews, concerning this peace.) Therefore this is called in the Greek edition of the book of Esther, (now seen in the noble Earl of Atundel's library) the month Adar-nisan and Dysterxanthicus, and by the modern Jews, Veadar or the other Adar. Although our Syriac interpreter of the second book of the Maccabees has substituted in its name the Syrians, "latter Tisri."

3447. In the same 148th year, (of the Chaldee account) the 15th day of the month Xanthicus according also to the Chaldean reckoning, there are letters sent to the Jews from King Antiochus /APC 2Ma 11:27-33 and from Quintus Memmius and Titus Manlins (otherwise called Manius or Mamlius) the ambassadors from Rome. At that time they came to the king at Antioch. (/APC 2Ma 11:34-38) After this Lysias came to the king after the covenants were drawn up. /APC 1Ma 12:1

3841c AM, 4551 JP, 163 BC

3448. About the beginning of the spring, began the 150th year of the kingdom of the Greeks which the writer of the first book of the Maccabees uses.

3449. Demetrius, son of Seleucus Philopator was held many years hostage at Rome and was now 23 years old. He requested the senate that with the help of the people of Rome, he might be restored to his own kingdom which was unjustly usurped by the son of Antiochus Epiphanes, his uncle. He said that he should always look on Rome as his native country consider the senator's sons as brothers and the senators as fathers. Notwithstanding all this flattery, the senate esteemed it more expedient for them to have Syria governed by a child rather than a man. They voted that Demetrius should be detained at Rome and the kingdom be confirmed to the child which Antiochus left behind him. However, they presently sent Cn. Octavius Spurius, Lucretius and Lucius Aurelius as delegates to run that kingdom according to the pleasure of the senate. They thought no one would oppose them since the king was yet a child, and the princes of the court would be favourable to the senate since the Romans did not turn over the kingdom to Demetrius. The princes had greatly feared that this might happen. The senate was told that Antiochus had gotten elephants in Syria and many more ships than they allowed him. They ordered their delegates to burn the ships and hough the elephants. In other words, they should do what they could to bankrupt the king's treasury. (Polyb. Legat. 107, Appian, Syriac. p. 117. Sonor. ex Dione. Justin. l. 34. c. 3.)

3450. The delegates also received instructions to visit the Macedonians. They were not accustomed to a democratic government and had made no use of a common council. There were factions and seditions among them. They were ordered also to make a diligent enquiry into the affairs of the Galatians and the kingdom of Ariarathes. (Polyb. Legat. 107.) However, Ariarathes, by his great civility in a conference with Junius and the former delegates, sent them away with a good opinion of himself. (Polyb. Legat. 108.)

3451. The peace between Eupator and the Jews was no sooner made than it was broken by those who had command in the adjacent lands. Timothy Apollonius, son of Genneus, Hieronymus, Demophon and Nicanor, the governor of Cyprus, would not allow the Jews to live in peace. The citizens of Joppa tricked more than 200 Jews who lived among them onto their ships. They sailed from shore and threw them all overboard. /APC 2Ma 12:2-4

3452. When Judas Maccabeus heard of this piece of treachery, he came by night to Joppa. He burned their port and their ships. He killed all those who had fled there. When he knew that the Jemnites plotted against those Jews that lived with them, he did the same by night to their port and fleet. The flames of the fire appeared as far away as Jerusalem which was 30 miles away. /APC 2Ma 12:5-9

3453. When Judas' army had gone about a mile from there on their march against Timothy, the nomads of Arabia attacked them with at least 5000 foot soldiers and 500 cavalry. After a fierce battle, the Arabians were defeated. They agreed to supply them with cattle and other needs and hence made peace with Judas. /APC 2Ma 12:10-12

3454. Judas' soldiers stormed the city of Caspis and took it. The city was fortified with a bridge and surrounded with walls and inhabited by people from various countries. So great was the slaughter of the citizens, that an adjacent lake, a quarter mile wide, was red with blood. /APC 2Ma 12:13-16

3455. They left there and travelled about 94 miles to Characa to the Jews who were called Tabiani because they lived in the land of Tob. Timothy had left the place, although he had not finished his business there. He left behind a very strong garrison. Dositheus and Sosipator, two of Judas' captains, attacked them and killed about 10,000 of the men which Timothy had left to hold it. /APC 2Ma 12:17-19

3456. After this defeat, Timothy raised a new army of 120,000 foot soldiers and 2500 cavalry from all the surrounding countries with mercenaries from the Arabians. He sent away the women and children and other supplies to Carnion or Carnaim. This place was hard to besiege and difficult to approach because of the narrowness of the entrance. Timothy camped opposite Raphon on the other side the brook. Judas with all his forces, putting himself in the vanguard, crossed the brook toward the enemy. He totally routed that Gentile army. Some flew this way and others that way, in such a great disorder that they were often harmed by their own men and wounded by the points of their own swords. Judas eagerly pursued them and he slew nearly 30,000 men. /APC 1Ma 5:37-43 2Ma 12:20-23

3457. Timothy was captured by Dositheus and Sosipater. He craftily persuaded them to let him escape with his life because he had in his power many of the Jews' parents and brothers. If they put him to death, they would likewise be killed. When he agreed for their safe return, they let him go for their brethrens' sake. /APC 2Ma 12:24,25

3458. Judas marched on to the city of Carnaim and to the temple of Atargata which was located there. Many of the enemy had fled there for refuge. Judas burned the temple along with everyone in it. He demolished the city and killed 25,000 men. /APC 1Ma 5:43,44 2Ma 12:26

3459. Judas brought back all the Israelites which were in Gilead with their wives, children and all their belongings. He planned to bring them into Judea. They came as far as Ephron, which was a very great and well fortified city and stood in their way. It was inhabited by people from many countries. The walls were well manned and had in it a good supply of engines and ammunition. When Judas and his army had to pass through it, the citizens closed their gates against them and barricaded them up with the stones. However, they forced their way through after a day and a night's battery and demolished the city to the ground. They took all the spoil, killed all the males numbering almost 25,000 and marched over the dead bodies through it. /APC 1Ma 5:45-51 2Ma 12:27,28

3460. After this, they passed over Jordan into a great plain before Bethshan, /APC 1Ma 5:52 which the Greeks called Scythopolis, (Joseph. Antiq. l. 12. c. 12.) about 75 miles from Jerusalem. As soon as they entered the town, the Jews, who lived among them, met them and told them, how friendly the Scythopolitans had always been with them. They said how kindly they had treated them in their adversities. Thereupon they returned them thanks and requested the continuance of their friendship to their country in times to come. /APC 2Ma 12:29-31

3461. Judas brought up the rear of his army and encouraged them all the way until he came to Judea. /APC 1Ma 5:53 They arrived at Jerusalem about the feast of Pentecost /APC 2Ma 12:31 and went up to Mount Sion with joy and gladness. They offered burnt offerings because they had not lost a man and all returned home in peace. /APC 1Ma 5:54

3462. After Pentecost, Judas and his brothers with 3000 foot soldiers and 400 cavalry marched against Gorgias who commanded Idumea and planned to fight with him. /APC 2Ma 12:32,33 1Ma 5:65

3463. In that battle few of the Jews were killed. Dositheus, one of the Bacenor's troops, a strong man had taken Gorgias prisoner and grabbed him by his coat of mail and led him away. A Thracian soldier came to him and cut off his shoulder and rescued Gorgias. He escaped into Marissa. They that followed Esdris, one of Judas' captains, were wearied with the long battle. When Judas had called on the Lord and sang psalms and hymns in his mother tongue, he attacked Gorgias' forces suddenly and made them flee. /APC 2Ma 12:33-37

3464. After the victory, he called together his army and withdrew to the city of Adullam. When the sabbath was come they purified themselves and kept that day. The next day, Judas' soldiers had gathered up the bodies of those that died in the battle and planned to bury them. They found under everyone's coat, things consecrated to the idols of the Jamnites which was prohibited by the Jewish law. De 7:25,26 It was clear to all what was the reason for their death. Thereupon they prayed and beseeched God that the sin might be utterly rooted out. Arundel's book and the Aldin edition states that they beseeched God that they might not be utterly destroyed for that sin. Moreover, they made a contribution of 2000 or 3000 (as the Greek Arundel and my own Syriac book, or 12,000 as the Latin copies have it) drachmas of silver and sent it to Jerusalem to make a sin offering. /APC 2Ma 12:38-43

3841d AM, 4551 JP, 163 BC

3465. Then Judas with his brethren went against the sons of Esau and attacked them in the south of Judea and smote Hebron and its villages. They dismantled the fortifications and burned the towns around the area. From there, he went through Samaria and planned to go into the land of the Philistines. At that time some priests were killed who were desirous to show their valour and acted unwisely in a skirmish. Judas went down toward Azotus into the land of the Philistines. After he had overturned their altars, burnt their graven images and took away the spoils of the cities, he returned into Judea. /APC 1Ma 5:65-68

3466. Antiochus' soldiers who were garrisoned in the tower at Jerusalem, had shut up the Jews around the temple and always tried to find ways to annoy them and strengthen the heathen. Judas and all the people besieged them in the 150th year of the Greeks. He placed his battering rams and engines against them. However, some of the besieged escaped, to whom also some wicked Jews allied themselves. They prevailed with Antiochus Eupator the king to quickly subdue the rising power of the Jews. /APC 1Ma 6:18-27

3467. Thereupon the king summoned together all his friends and the commanders of his army and his cavalry. He got forces from other kingdoms. His whole force consisted of 100,000 foot soldiers and 20,000 cavalry and 32 elephants which were trained for war. (/APC 1Ma 6:28-30) In the second book of the Maccabees we read, how that in the 149th year of the account, that is of the contracts, Judas Maccabeus had news that Antiochus Eupator was gone against Judea. His Greek forces numbered 110,000 foot soldiers and 5300 cavalry, 22 elephants and 300 chariots with hooks. /APC 2Ma 13:1,2

3468. Menelaus the usurping high priest, sided with this power and hoped to obtain from Eupator that honour which he had before in name only. /APC 2Ma 13:3

3469. King Eupator was highly enraged and came resolving to bring far greater harm on the Jews than his father ever did. When Judas heard of this, he commanded the people to call on God night and day for protection. After he had called a council of war, he resolved to march against the king and he camped by Modin. /APC 2Ma 13:9-14

3470. When the king's army had marched through Idumea, they attacked Bethsura with their engines of war but the men of Bethsura sallied forth valiantly and burned the engines. Judas camped in Bethzachariah opposite the king's camp. /APC 1Ma 6:31,32 He told his men that victories are from God. Then he took with him the most valiant men and attacked the enemy's camp by night. He advanced as far as the king's own pavilion. He slew in this fight almost 4000 men and their best elephants along with all that came upon him. When the morning dawned, he withdrew victoriously. The entire enemy camp was filled with dread and horror by his exploits. /APC 2Ma 13:15-17

3471. Early in the morning, the king marched with his army and camped near Bethzachariah. He drew up his men into battle array and ordered that the juice of grapes and mulberries should be placed before the elephants. He thought that this would make them more fierce in the fight. These beasts were distributed throughout the army and to each beast was assigned 1000 well armed foot soldiers and 500 cavalry. Each elephant's back had a wooden room that carried 32 soldiers plus the Indian to steer them. Their armour made such a glorious show that the neighbouring hills glittered from the reflection of the sun on their shields of gold and brass. /APC 1Ma 6:33-41

3472. Judas and his army engaged the enemy and killed 600 men of the king's party. At which time, Eleazar, surnamed Savaran, (or Avaran, Judas' brother /APC 1Ma 2:5) saw an elephant in royal harness and taller than any of the others. He thought the king was on his back riding it and he went for it and slaughtered his enemies on both sides. He crept under its belly and slew the beast. He was killed when the beast fell on him. When the Jews saw the vast forces of the king and their strength, they retired from battle. /APC 1Ma 6:42-47

3473. When the king returned to besiege Bethsura, he was sometimes driven off by Judas in skirmishes and sometimes Judas retreated with losses. However, Judas tried to relieve the besieged and sent them the things they needed. Rhodius, one in the Jewish army, told this to the enemy. Thereupon when the Jews made an inquiry about this, he was seized, put on the rack and kept in prison. Then the king talked a second time with the men of Bethsura and persuaded them to surrender to him. /APC 2Ma 13:19-22 After the peace was concluded between them, the Jews all marched out of the city and were forced to surrender for lack of provisions to sustain the siege. That year was the sabbatical year in which it was not lawful to sow their land. After the king had taken Bethsura, he placed a garrison in it to keep it. /APC 1Ma 6:49,50

(Since this was a sabbatical year, it verifies Ussher's calculations that a jubilee was every 49 not every 50 years. Otherwise this would not have been a sabbatical year. This also confirms the date for the first sabbatical year. See notes on 2560a AM <<333>> and 2609a AM. <<343>> Editor.)

3474. From there the king's army went up to Jerusalem and camped against Mount Sion and the sanctuary for many days. They used their artillery with engines and instruments to cast fire and stones and pieces to hurl darts and slings. Thereupon the besieged also made engines to thwart the enemies' weapons. They held them off for a long time but supplies began to grow scarce with both of them because this was the seventh year. Those in Judea who were delivered from the Gentiles had eaten up the supply of their store. Very little was left in the sanctuary because the famine was so severe among them. They were forced to disperse into various places. (/APC 1Ma 6:51-54 Josephus. l. 11. c. 14.)

3475. In the meantime, Philip, whom Antiochus Epiphanes had by his last will and testament named guardian of his son Eupator and under him was appointed ruler over the whole kingdom had already returned from Egypt. He came from Media and Persia with the forces which Epiphanes had left there /APC 1Ma 3:37 and planned to recover by force his rights which Lysias had usurped. /APC 1Ma 6:55,56 2Ma 13:23

3476. When Lysias hear of this, he persuaded the king and the commanders of the army to make peace with the whole country of the Jews and to permit them to enjoy their own laws as in former times. He said that their army grew weaker every day, the provisions for the camp failed, the place which they besieged was well fortified and the affairs of their own kingdom were more urgent and important. /APC 1Ma 6:57-59

3477. The king and his nobles agreed with Lysias and sent to the besieged about terms of peace. The conditions were accepted and the covenants confirmed with an oath. Thereupon the besieged marched out of the garrison and the king entered Mount Sion offered sacrifice, honoured the temple and dealt kindly with the place. A little later when he had considered the strength of the place, he broke his oath and ordered the walls to be pulled down. /APC 1Ma 6:60-62 2Ma 13:23

3478. The king appointed Maccabeus (or as the Greek context bears it, and my Syriac version has it) Higemonides rather, governor from Ptolomais to the Gerrhenians /APC 2Ma 13:24 or as far as Egypt. Its boundary is the mountain Gerur according to Ptolemy's account.

3479. While the king was coming to Ptolemais, the Ptolemaians, who always hated the Jews, /APC 1Ma 12:48 were quite upset by the peace made with Judas. In a rage they wanted to void the covenant. However, Lysias went up to the judgment seat and defended the matter. He appeased the tumult and pacified the citizens. /APC 2Ma 13:25,26 Josephus, in the close of the 14th book of his Antiquities, says that the rule of the Hasmoneans lasted 126 years to the taking of Jerusalem by Herod and the slaying of Antigonus. In Josephus (Antiqu. l. 17. c. 8) has this time as 125 years. However this happened on the 126th year from this time, so that the start of this rule was from the time of the peace agreed on between Antiochus and Maccabeus.

3842a AM, 4551 JP, 163 BC

3480. From autumn began the year of accounts of the contracts, 150 which the writer of the second book of the Maccabees uses.

3481. Antiochus Eupator with Lysias his guardian, hurried to Antioch, /APC 1Ma 6:63 2Ma 13:26 and brought along with him as prisoner, Menelaus the high priest. (Josephus, l. 12. c. 15.) Lysias had accused him as the sole cause of the whole Jewish war and the first instigator of all their evils. Thereupon, by orders from the king, he was sent to Berhea in Syria, where he was let down into a tower filled with ashes and so died a death worthy of his life. /APC 2Ma 13:4-8

3482. This wretched Menelaus was killed in the 10th year after he first usurped the priesthood at Berhea. This is correctly written in Josephus, p. 421. and not as in p. 700 where it erroneously says at Beryticen. The king substituted another in his place one who was just as wicked called, Alcimus or Jacimus. He was descended from Aaron but not of the high priest's blood. Lysias persuaded the king to transfer that honour to another family. (Joseph. Antiq. l. 12. c. 15. & l. 20. c. 8.)

3483. When Onias, son of Onias the third, high priest, saw the high priesthood was given to Alcimus, he went into Egypt. After he had ingratiated himself to Ptolemy Philometor and his wife, Cleopatra, he obtained permission to build a temple of God in the city of Heliopolis similar to the one at Jerusalem. They would also appoint him the high priest there. Thus Josephus writes in his Jewish Antiquities which contradicts what he formerly wrote in his work of the Jewish wars. (l. 1. c. 1. & l. 7. c 37. or 30.) There he says that Onias' flight and his building of the temple in Egypt happened while Antiochus Epiphanes was still living.

3484. About this time, Ptolemy Philometor and his younger brother Ptolemy Euergetes the 2nd had a falling out. The senate of Rome wrote letters to their ambassadors, Cn. Octavius, Sp. Lucretius and L. Aurelius to do what they could to make peace. (Polib. Legat. 107.) For after they had jointly ruled six years together peacefully, the younger brother put out Philometor and ruled alone. (Porphyr. in Grac. Euseb. Scaliger. p. 54. & 225.)

3485. When the older Ptolemy of his kingdom, went to Rome for help. He had very few in his retinue and travelled in poor clothes. (Valer. Maxim. l. 5. c. 1.) As he was on his way to the city on foot, he was noticed by Demetrius, Seleucus' son. He was much troubled at this sight, shortly provided a royal robe, a diadem, and a horse, adorned with golden fittings. He went with his own servants and met Ptolemy 26 miles from the city. After a civil greeting, he advised him to put on these ornaments and to enter Rome more like a king lest he appear contemptible. Ptolemy thanked him very much for his goodwill toward him. He did not take these things for himself. Ptolemy desired rather to have permission to rest a while with Archias in one of those towns along the way. (Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Vales. p. 322.)

3486. Finally he came to Rome and lodged at an Alexandrian painter's house. As soon as the senate heard of it, they sent for him and made a most exact apology for they had not according to the usual custom, sent the quaestor to wait upon him nor had they entertained him on the public account. They promised that those omissions were not to be imputed to any disrespect of theirs towards him but merely to his own coming so suddenly to them and so privately. Thereupon, they conducted him from the court to the house of public entertainment and persuaded him to put off those sordid clothes. They settled on a day for a meeting. They also took care that presents were sent to him daily by the treasurers. By their kind treatment of him, they restored Ptolemy from that low condition he was in to his former kingly eminence. This caused him to hope more for Rome's assistance than to fear his low estate. (Val. Max. l. 5. c. 1.)

3487. As soon as Cn. Octavius and Spurius Lucretius, the Roman delegates came to Ariarathes, king of the Cappadocians, they enquired into the fights between him and the Galatians. He, in a few words told them the whole matter. He added that he was willing to agree to use them as arbitrators. Most of his speech concerned Syria for he knew that Octavius was going there. He showed them also in what a weak condition that state was in and how great was the similarity between himself and Syria. He preferred also to attend them with his forces and to be ready on all occasions to help them until they were returned safely from Syria. The king's good will and desire to accommodate them was much resented by the delegates. They told him that at present they had no need of his company. However, in case of some future emergency, if the need arose, they would not hesitate to send to him. They said that they would after this always include him as a most sincere friend to the Romans. (Polyb. Legat. 108.)

3488. King Eupator with the help of his guardian Lysias, had quickly pacified the disturbances in Syria. When he returned to Antioch, he found Philip in command there. He fought him and took the city. /APC 1Ma 6:63 After he had captured Philip, he had him killed. (Josephus l. 12. c. 15.)

3842b AM, 4552 JP, 162 BC

3489. Octavius Lucretius and Aurelius the three Roman delegates followed their instructions from the senate when they came into Syria took care that the elephants should be slain and the navy burned. They managed all other things in the Roman interest. This grieved Leptines and therefore he stabbed Cn. Octavius, the head delegate at Laodicea, as he was anointing himself in the place of exercise. He testified that the deed was lawfully done and by the instigation of the gods. This Octavius was the first from that family with the consulship, from whom Caesar Augustus later descended. Lysias, Eupator's guardian, who was reputed the chief instigator of the people against the Romans, took care for the entertainment of Octavius. He immediately sent delegates in the king's name to Rome, who might excuse the act and testify to the king's innocence as not being an accessory to this in any way. (Polyb. Legat. 114. & 122. Cicero. Philippic. 9. Appian. Syriac. p. 117. Zonar. ex Dione.) Julius Obsequiens, in his book De Prodigus, confirms that the killing of Octavius happened when Marcius and Scipio were consuls.

3490. At that time in Syria, lived Isocratis a grammarian who belonged to a company of those that made public recitations. He was a prating braggard and hated by the Greeks. Alcaeus in his public speeches used to make fun of him. As soon as Isocratis came to Syria, he began to reproach the Syrians as being stupid. He did not stay within the bounds of his profession and began to talk of state matters and pass his judgment on them. He defended the justice of the murder of Octavius and wanted the other Roman delegates killed too, so none would be left to take the news back to Rome. By this, the Romans might be made more humble and cease interfering in the sovereignty of others. (Polyb. Legat. 122.)

3491. The Romans through their ambassadors, Canuleius and Quintus, restored Ptolemy Philometor to his kingdom and reconciled him to his younger brother Euergetes. They decreed that the kingdom should be divided between them. Philometor was to take Egypt and Cyprus for his share, Euergetes was to get Cyrene. This agreement was confirmed by all religious ceremonies and by the mutual pledging of their faith to each other. However, Euergetes hurried away to Rome to try to have the covenant voided. Thereupon Philometor also sent Menethillus of Alabanda, as his delegate there, as his advocate and representative in his quarrel with Euergetes. (Polyb. Legat. 113. & 114. Livy l. 46. Zonar. Ex Dione.)

3492. Ariarathes, the king of Cappadocia, died and his son Ariarathes surnamed Philopator succeeded him by right of inheritance. As soon as he had performed his father's funeral with the highest magnificence that could be, he sent his delegates to Rome to renew the league and alliance with the people of Rome. He was first called Mithradates, but after he came of age, he was called by his father's name, Ariarathes. When he was crowned, he treated his friends, nobles and subjects, with what respect was fitting, so that he soon won the affections of all. He was experienced in Greek and studied philosophy. Cappadocia, never before known to the Greeks, soon became a home for learned men. (Livy l. 46. Diod. Sic. in Bibliotheca, Phocy. cod. 244. & Excerp. Vales. p. 325.)

3842c AM, 4552 JP, 162 BC

3493. From spring began the 151st year of the kingdom of the Greeks, which is used in the first book of the Maccabees.

3494. When the ambassadors of Ariarathes, the new king of Cappadocia arrived at Rome, they asked the senate that they would embrace their king with all love and affection. He always wished well to all the Romans. The senate renewed the league and amity as they requested and highly commended the king's affections to them. They entertained the ambassadors very civilly. After this, Tiberius Gracchus (See note on 3838 AM <<3402>>) returned from his embassy in Asia and related many notable expressions of the affections of this king and of his father and indeed of the whole kingdom toward the people of Rome. (Polyb. Legat. 109.)

3495. The Rhodians, through Cleagoras and Lygdamis, their ambassadors at Rome, requested that they might be permitted to hold Lycia and Caria on the same terms as before. (Polyb. Legat. 110.)

3496. At that time the Calyndians in Caria revolted from the Caunii. Thereupon the Caunii attempted to besiege them. The Calyndians first required help from the Cnidyans. By their help, they were able to hold the enemy off for a while. Since the outcome of the war was uncertain, they sent an embassy to the Rhodians and they surrendered themselves and their city into their hands. The Rhodians accepted this and accordingly sent supplies both by sea and land. They raised the siege and took the city into their own jurisdiction. The senate soon after this confirmed to them the right and possession of the place. (Polyb. Legat. 111.)

3497. Ariarathes, the king of Cappadocia knew from his delegates who had returned from Rome that he was in good favour with the Romans. He thought himself secure in his kingdom and offered to the gods sacrifices and feasted his nobles. Moreover, he sent ambassadors to Lysias at Antioch, to get the bones of his sister and his mother, Antiochis, the daughter of Antiochus the Great. He gave the ambassadors instructions before they left and prayed for their success. He told them it would be best not to mention the death of Octavius even though he was quite displeased by it. He thought this might provoke Lysias and he would not grant his request. Lysias allowed him to have those bones. As soon as they were brought to him, he carried them out very solemnly and placed them very carefully in his father's tomb. (Polyb. Legat. 112.)

3498. After the two Ptolemys (brothers) had divided the kingdom between them, the younger Ptolemy went to Rome to invalidate the partition agreed upon with his brother. He said that he did not voluntarily do as he was commanded but had yielded from necessity, being forced to it by the difficulty of the times. Therefore he requested the senate that they would give Cyprus to him otherwise his portion would be much less than his brothers. On the other side, Menithyllus, Philometor's agent, stated and was confirmed by the Roman ambassadors' testimony, how the younger Ptolemy retained Cyrene but also his very life, by means of his brother. Since he was generally hated, that he might take it for a high favour that the kingdom of Greece had sided with him which was more than he could hope for or any man dream of. After Ptolemy's reply it was urged that the senate consider that the sharing of the kingdom was not quite completed, partly from their own desire to have that kingdom divided. They, as occasion should arise, would have less pains to subdue it when divided than when united. They granted the younger brother's demands and immediately sent their delegates, Titus Torquatus and Cn. Merula, with instructions to reconcile the two brothers and to give Cyprus to the younger brother. (Polyb. Legat. 113.)

3499. News came to Rome of the killing of Cn. Octavius. When the delegates of Antiochus Eupator whom Lysias had sent, arrived at Rome, they showed that their king was in no way involved in the murder. The senate sent the delegates back again and determined nothing about the matter because they would by no means reveal their minds about it. (Polyb. Legat. 114.) However, they ordered a statue to be erected in the place of common pleas, to the memory of Octavius. (Cicero Philipic. 9.)

3500. Demetrius was much disturbed by the news of that accident. He sent for Polybius, the historian and asked him whether or not, it was wise to ask the senate again about his affairs. Polybius warned him to take heed of dashing himself twice against the same stone. He told him, that he had better attempt some noble exploit worthy of a kingdom and hinted by this that he would have him stolen away from Rome as soon as he could. But Demetrius followed the counsel of Apollonius, his close friend who was a good man but very young. Demetrius came into the senate and requested that he might at least have his liberty and might be no longer detained as hostage at Rome, since they had confirmed the kingdom to Antiochus Eupator. The senate for all this stood by their decree. Thereupon, Demetrius consulted first with Diodorus who was a crafty fellow who recently came from Syria and had previously educated him. Then he talked with Polybius about how he might make his escape. Menethyllus, Ptolemy Philometor's agent, who by Polybius' means (with whom Polybius was intimately acquainted,) had been admitted into the discussion under the pretence of providing for his return home. He publicly hired a sacred ship of the Carthaginians which was about to sail to Tyre to bring the first fruits of the Carthaginians, to their ancestor gods according to the custom. When all things were ready, Demetrius sent his tutor, Diodorus, into Syria beforehand to hear what was said and to feel the pulse of the people. He took only a few with him to be companions with him on his journey. He dined at a friend's house with them and the rest he sent away to Anagnia, where he said he would come hunting the next day. (Polyb. Legat. 114.)

3501. At this time Polybius was sick in bed. He feared lest Demetrius spend too much time drinking and miss the chance to escape. Since the night was passing, he sent him a sheet sealed up with these lines written on it.

He that delays, incurs the fates Of night, boldness success creates.

Adventure, come what can, let all, Rather than thou, thyself shouldst fall.

3502. Polybius added that saying of Epicharmus, (commended by Polybius, l. 3. p. 768. & Cicero. ad Attic. l. 1. Epist. 16.) "Be sober, and remember to trust nobody, these are the very sinews of prudence." As soon as he read the note, he understood immediately what those instructions meant and from whom they came. Thereupon he pretended to need to vomit and he and his friends left the company. He told his plan to Nicanor and the rest of his friends. He came by night to Ostia, at the mouth of the Tiber River. Menithyllus went before to the sailors and told them that he received new instructions from the king so that he must of necessity stay a while longer in the city. However he would send him some trusted young men who would give him a full account of all the affairs of his brother. About the end of the third watch of the night, Demetrius came with 8 friends, 5 servants and 2 lackeys. Menithyllus commended these to the captain of the ship, who knew nothing of the plot. They set sail about day break. (Polyb. Legat. 114.)

3503. No one at Rome missed him until 4 days later. They looked for him but he was not found. On the 5th day, the senate met on the business but Demetrius was now 6 days from the city by sea and had gone as far as the strait of Sicily. The senate thought it would be of no use to follow after him since he had such an head start on them. A few days later, they sent Tib. Gracchus, Lucilius Lentulus and Servilius Glaucias as ambassadors whose business was to see how things went in Greece. After that they were to find out what Demetrius was up to, see how the kings felt toward Rome and to settle their differences with the Galatians. (Polyb. Legat. 114.)

3504. In the meantime, Demetrius had got into Lycia from where he wrote the senate that he marched not against Antiochus, his uncle's son, but against Lysias with a resolution to avenge Octavius' death. He won over Tripoli of Syria to his side, by saying he was sent by the senate to take possession of the kingdom, for no one dreamed of his escape. He captured Apamea and he mustered all his forces together and marched toward Antioch. He killed the young king Antiochus Eupator and Lysias when they came out to give him a friendly greeting. They did not want to take up arms for fear of displeasing the Romans. (Zonar. ex Dione.) He won the approval of all in Syria and he took over the kingdom. (Justin. l. 34. c. 3. Appian. in Syriac. p. 117, 118.)

3505. We read in the /APC 1Ma 7:1-4 how that in the 151st year of the kingdom of the Greeks, Demetrius, son of Seleucus, escaped from Rome and came with a few men to a city on the sea coast, that is Tripoli of Phoenicia and began to reign there. He entered into the palace of his ancestors at Antioch near Daphne, the metropolis of Syria. His soldiers seized Antiochus and Lysias and killed them by his orders. In the /APC 2Ma 14:1,2 we read that, after 3 years or in the 3rd year from the beginning of Antiochus Eupator or the purging of the temple by Judas Maccabeus as mentioned in /APC 2Ma 10:1-10, Judas was told of the arrival of Demetrius at Tripoli. With a great force and navy, he had taken the country and killed Antiochus and his tutor Lysias. However, Josephus states that Antiochus Eupator reigned only 2 years (Antiqu. l. 12. c. 16.) and so does Eusebius in his Chronicles. On the other hand, Porphyrius (in Grec. Euseb. Scaliger. p. 228.) and Sulpicius Severus, (Histor. Sacr. l. 2.) say he reigned only 18 months.

3506. Demetrius removed Heraclides from the charge of the treasury in Babylon. Antiochus Epiphanes had appointed him to that position. Demetrius also killed Heraclides' brother, Timarchus who had been appointed governor of Babylon by Antiochus Epiphanes. Timarchus had rebelled against Demetrius and ran the place poorly. The Babylonians first surnamed Demetrius, Soter. (Appian. Syriac. p. 118.)

3842d AM, 4552 JP, 162 BC

3507. Alcimus had obtained from Antiochus Eupator the high priesthood but was not accepted by the people. In the times of confusion under Antiochus Epiphanes, he wilfully defiled himself. /APC 2Ma 14:3 He tried to get the priesthood confirmed to him by Demetrius Soter and addressed the king. He was accompanied by other wicked and apostate Israelites who maligned their country men and especially the Hasmoneaus. They said he was guilty of killing the king's friends and banishing them out of the country. Demetrius resented their complaints. Thereupon he sent a large force into Judea under Bacchides, the governor of Mesopotamia and his intimate and trusty friend along with Alcimus on whom he had given the priesthood. When they had entered the land, they thought to have won over Judas Maccabeus and his brethren by their talk about peace. The Jews did not believe them when they saw their large forces. /APC 1Ma 7:5-11

3508. A company of scribes headed by Hasideans came to Alcimus and Bacchides and desired peace from them. They said:

``One that is priest of the seed of Aaron has the charge of this army who will not do us any wrong''

3509. After they had committed themselves to his safety, that wicked priest broke the agreement and his oath and executed 60 of them in one day. The historian applies the saying of the psalmist to this event. Ps 79:2,3

``The flesh of thy saints, have they (cast out,) given to the beasts of the earth, and their blood have they shed around about Jerusalem, and there was none to bury them.''

3510. Many were terrified by this act of wickedness and fled from the city. /APC 1Ma 7:12-19

3511. Bacchides left Jerusalem and camped in Bezeth or Bethzetha. From there he sent and took many of those which had forsaken him. He killed some of the Jews and cast them into a deep pit. After that, he committed the country to Alcimus' care and left him a sufficient force to help him. Bacchides returned to the king. All the rebellious of the people came to Alcimus who had done everything to ensure the priesthood for himself. When they had subdued Judea, they made great havock in Israel. Thereupon, Judas Maccabeus went out into all the land of Judea and took vengeance on all who had revolted from him. He was so successful that the enemy was confined to their garrisons and did not make any more incursions into the country. /APC 1Ma 7:19-24

3512. Ptolemy the younger, left Italy and came into Greece. There, he hired an army of very strong men. He also hired Damasippus, a Macedonian, who after he had killed the governors that sat in council at Phaco, a town of Macedonia, escaped from there as fast as he could with his wife and children. Ptolemy left and came to Persea, a land opposite Rhodes. After he had been courteously treated by the people, he planned to set sail for Cyprus. However, Torquatus and the rest of the Roman delegates saw the great number of mercenary soldiers he had. They remembered their instructions from the senate in which they were expressly charged to control him without fighting. At last they prevailed with him, to disband his mercenaries as soon as he come to Sida and to not make his intended voyage to Cyprus. He should do his best that they might meet with him concerning Cyprus. In the meantime, they were going to Alexandria to persuade the king to agree to his requests. They would meet him at the appointed place and bring the king himself along with them. These propositions had such influence on Ptolemy the younger, that he gave up the idea of conquering Cyrene (Cyprus ??) and dismissed his mercenary soldiers. He went directly to Crete and took along with him Damasippus and Cn. Merula, one of the ambassadors. As soon as he had hired 1000 soldiers, he departed to Libyna and kept them at the Port of Apis. (Polyb. Legat. 115.)

3513. In the interim, Torquatus and Titus came to Alexandria and did what they could to persuade the older Ptolemy to come to an agreement with his brother and to give Cyprus to him. Ptolemy's gave in on some things and listened to others merely to buy time. His younger brother who was camped as was agreed, before Apis in Libyna was very displeased that as yet nothing was concluded concerning the surrender of Cyprus. He sent Cn. Merula to Alexandria and hoped through him and Torquatus to accomplish his plans. (Polyb. Legat. 115.)

3843a AM, 4552 JP, 162 BC

3514. Hipparchus Bithynus attempted to transmit to posterity the exact number of the stars and to order constellations using particular instruments he invented. He showed their positions and their magnitudes. Pliny says his works were underestimated. (Pliny l. 2. c. 95.) He wrote in his book and said that in the 27th year of the third Calippic period, the 30th day of the Egyptian month Mesor, (September 27th) about sunset, he observed the autumnal equinox. (Ptol. 3. l. 2. c. 2.)

3515. This autumn began the year 151 of the account of the contracts as used in the 2nd book of the Maccabees. In this year (for so the Greek copies compute, and my Syriac Interpreter, where the Latin edition reads 150.) Alcimus came to king Demetrius and gave him a golden crown, a palm and boughs also which were used in the temple. /APC 2Ma 14:3,4 He saw how Judas Maccabeus and the Assideans who were with him had greatly increased in power. They would not allow him to come near the holy altar. Using this opportunity, he eagerly accused them to the king, as the instigators of all the rebellions and disturbers of the common peace in Judea. He complained most bitterly about this. He said he was divested of the high priesthood which was the glory of his ancestors. As long as Judas was living, he was confident Demetrius should never enjoy the kingdom quietly. This was confirmed by his friends and other implacable enemies of Judas. Demetrius was so angry that he sent Nicanor, his general into Judea with orders to destroy Judas and disperse his associates, the Assideans. He was to place Alcimus in the high priesthood. The Gentiles who fled from Judea for fear of Judas, flocked to Nicanor. They were happy about the calamities which were likely to befall the Jews. /APC 2Ma 14:3-14 1Ma 7:25,26

3516. When the Jews knew of Nicanor's coming and of the alliance of the Gentiles with him, they cast dust on their heads and prayed to God. There was a short skirmish between Simon, Judas' brother, and Nicanor near the village Dessaro. Nicanor had heard of the prowess and valour of Judas and his company in defending their country and was afraid of fighting with him. Therefore he sent Poseidonius, Thoedotus and Matthias to make peace between them. When they had discussed the matter among themselves, Judas told it to the people. They unanimously approved the articles. A day was appointed in which Judas and Nicanor were to meet. Judas did not trust the enemy, and placed some armed men in several convenient places for security in case of any violence. However the conference was very peaceful and closed in a league without the king's knowledge. After this, Nicanor stayed a while in Jerusalem and dismissed the companies which he had before collected. He lived so friendly and familiarly with Judas that Judas persuaded him to marry a wife, /APC 2Ma 14:15-25

3517. As soon as Alcimus saw what happened, he spoke a 3rd time to Demetrius and complained about Nicanor. He accused Nicanor of plotting against the king. Demetrius was so upset by all this that he immediately wrote to Nicanor to let him know that he was very upset with his actions with Judas Maccabeus. He ordered Nicanor to send Judas bound to Antioch. He was very loath to do this since it would break their articles of peace and since Judas had done nothing wrong. However he knew enough not to cross the king and he watched for a convenient time to execute the king's command by craft. /APC 2Ma 14:26-29

3518. Ptolemy Philometor with his entertainment detained the Roman delegates at Alexandria for 40 days. This was against their will since no business was transacted. The Cyrenians and some other cities revolted from Euergetes the younger brother. The Egyptian Ptolemy, whom Euergetes had appointed over the whole realm when he sailed away unto Rome knew of this matter. News of this came to Euergetes. He was also told that the Cyrenians already had an army ready for war. He feared that while he tried to add Cyprus to his kingdom, he would lose Cyrene. He set aside all other matters and left Apis where his navy was anchored in the harbour. He sailed to the great Catabathmus, as they call it and planned from there to go to Cyrene. He found the strait in Catabathmus held by the Libynians and the Cyrenians. He shipped half his men with orders to sail around those straits and to attack the enemy by surprise. He led the vanguard with the rest of the army and tried to capture the hill. As soon as the Libynians knew they were surrounded, they abandoned their stations. Hence the king took the top of the hill and captured the stronghold and its 4 towers which contained plenty of water. (Polyb. Legat. 115.)

3519. From there he marched through the wilderness in 7 days and the soldiers under Mochyrinus followed him by sea. When the Cyrenians knew of his coming, they drew out their army of 8000 foot soldiers and 500 cavalry against him. They guessed what Philometor's mind was by what he had done at Alexandria. They saw nothing of a king in Euergetes but that all his administrations were tyrannical. They could not be persuaded to freely submit to him. Thereupon they fought and defeated him. (Polyb. Legat. 115.)

3843b AM, 4553 JP, 161 BC

3520. Judas Maccabeus saw how Nicanor had grown more reserved then before and his dealings more harsh than they usually were. He thought he was up to no good and therefore gathered many of his associates and withdrew himself from his sight. /APC 2Ma 14:30

3521. Nicanor came to Jerusalem with great forces and by his fair speeches drew Judas to a meeting. However, while they were greeting one another, the enemy planned to seize Judas and carry him away. When Judas knew this, he was very afraid of him and did not want to see him any more. When Nicanor saw that his plan was discovered, he marched against Judas to fight him beside Capharsalama. Nicanor's side lost 5000 men and the rest fled to the city of David. /APC 1Ma 7:27-32

3522. After this Nicanor went to Mount Sion where he was met by some of the priests and elders of the people. They came from the sanctuary to greet him peaceably and to show him the burnt sacrifice that was offered for the king. He slighted and scoffed at them and commanded them to turn over Judas. They swore with an oath that they did not know where he was. Nicanor stretched out his right hand toward the temple and swore that unless Judas and his forces were delivered into his hands, when he returned in peace, he would burn the house of God, destroy the altar and erect in the same place another glorious temple to Bacchus. Thereupon the priests entered and stood before the altar and the temple. With great lamentations they beseeched God to frustrate Nicanor's threats and avenge his blasphemies. /APC 1Ma 7:33-38 2Ma 14:31-36

3523. Razis, one of the elders of Jerusalem, who for his love and affection to the citizens, was called, "The Father of the Jews", came to Nicanor. Therefore Nicanor thought that if he were killed, he could do what he pleased with the Jews. He sent about 500 soldiers to take him. When they had forced the outter gates of the tower where he was and were ordered to burn the other doors, he stabbed himself with his own sword. When he knew by his haste, his wound was not mortal, he threw himself headlong from the wall. Afterward, running to a steep rock, when he was almost dead, he ripped out his bowels and with both his hands threw them among the throng and so he died. /APC 2Ma 14:37-46 Concerning this event, see Augustine. (61st Epistle to Dulichius, and l. 2. against Gaudentio, c. 23.)

3524. When Nicanor saw that Judas was not in Jerusalem but in parts of Samaria, he marched from Jerusalem and camped in Bethhoron. More troops came to him from Syria. Judas camped in Hadasa about 4 miles from the enemy with 3000 men. Nicanor tried to start the battle on the sabbath day. He was presently admonished by some Jews who were compelled to march with him to reverence that day and the God who instituted it. He railed on them with a most horrid blasphemy but was unable to carry out his plan of fighting on the sabbath. Maccabeus encouraged his troops from the law and the prophets. Moreover he had them remember their former encounters and declared to them a dream of his. He saw Onias, who was the 3rd high priest by that name, praying for the people and the prophet Jeremiah reaching to him with a golden sword. Hence he encouraged the troops. Thereupon, being well armed with prayers and the sure confidence in God, on the 13th day of the 12th month Adar, they attacked the enemy. Nicanor was the first to die in the battle. Thereupon, the rest threw away their arms and fled. The Jews chased them for a whole day from Hadasa to Gazera and sounded an alarm after them with their trumpets. By this all the Jews from the various surrounding towns, hurried to the slaughter of their fleeing enemies. At least 35,000 were killed and not one of the enemy army survived. Then they fell on the spoil and took the prey. They cut off Nicanor's head and arms with the shoulder and brought them to Jerusalem. They hung his head on an high tower with his right hand with which he had so proudly stretched forth against the house of God. Judas ordered that the tongue of this wicked fellow to be cut out, chopped in pieces and fed to the birds. In commemoration of this victory, it was enacted by a general decree, that a great holiday should be kept annually on the 13th day of the 12th month, called in the Syriac, Adar, the day before the feast of Mordecai. (/APC 1Ma 7:39-49 2Ma 15:1-37 Joseph. l. 12. c. 17.)

3525. This ends the history contained in the second book of the Maccabees. This is a summary of the five books of Jason, a Jew of Cyrene. After Nicanor's death, Judea had rest from wars for a while. /APC 1Ma 7:50 During that time, Judas Maccabeus heard of the great power of the Romans and their humanity toward any that were in distress. He also knew how great Demetrius feared them. Therefore, he sent Eupolemus the son of John and Jason son of Eleazar, as agents to the senate at Rome, in the name of him, his brother, and the commonwealth of the Jews. They were to negotiate an association and alliance with the people of Rome and hoped by this to free them from the heavy yoke of King Demetrius and the empire of the Greeks. /APC 1Ma 8:1,17,18,31,32)

3526. Cneus Merula finally returned from Alexandria to Euergetes and told him that his brother Philometor would not agree to any of his demands. He urged him that they must abide by the covenants which were first ratified. When Euergetes heard this, he ordered Copmanua and his brother Ptolemy to go as his delegates to Rome along with Merula. They were to entreat with the senate concerning the wrongs done to him by his brother and to tell them of his contempt of the Romans. On their way, they met Titus Torquatus who was Cn. Merula's colleague in the embassy. He had left Alexandria also without completing the business he went there for. At the same time, Menithylius of Alabanda was sent as a delegate to the senate from Philometor. (Polyb. Legat. 116,117.)

3527. After Demetrius heard that Nicanor and his whole army were destroyed in the battle, he sent Bacchides and Alcimus for the second time into Judea. He gave them the right wing or the better part of his army. They marched on the way to Gilgal. They camped at Maesaloth or Massadoth which is in Arbela. When they captured it, they killed many people. /APC 1Ma 9:1,2

3843c AM, 4553 JP, 161 BC

3528. On the first month of the 152nd year of the kingdom of the Greeks, they moved toward Jerusalem to find Judas Maccabeus and from there they marched to Berea (or Beerzath, as it is in the Arundel copy) with 20,000 foot soldiers and 2000 cavalry. Judas camped in Eleasa with 3000 choice men with him. When they saw the large number of the enemy, they were very afraid. Thereupon many left him, so that he had only 800 left in the camp. With these few he attacked Bacchides' vast army and fought from morning till night. At last he routed his right wing in which Bacchides was and pursued them to Mount Azotus. However, those in the left wing chased Judas and those which were with him. Judas died fighting valiantly and the rest fled immediately away. Then Jonathan and Simon took up the body of their brother Judas and buried it in the sepulchre of their fathers at Modin. Israel mourned for him many days. /APC 1Ma 9:3-21 Judas was slain in the 6th year after the death of his father Mattathias.

3529. After the death of Judas, wicked men appeared all over Israel, who before had stayed out of sight for fear of Judas. There was a great famine in those days and this caused the whole country to join with them and submit to Bacchides so that they might have more provisions. Bacchides promoted those wicked men to be rulers of the country. When they found any of Judas' friends, they brought them to Bacchides to be tormented and reviled. There was a great affliction in Israel, there was nothing like this since the time of the last prophets of the Old Testament. /APC 1Ma 9:23-27

3530. In the meantime, the delegates who were sent to Rome from Judas Maccabeus concluded a peace and association with the people of Rome. The articles were written in tables of brass and said that the Jews should assist the Romans and the Romans the Jews against the common enemy. The senate also wrote letters to King Demetrius that he should stop oppressing the Jews, otherwise they would wage war with him both by sea and land to support this people who were now their friends and confederates. /APC 1Ma 8:19-32

``When they had revolted from Demetrius, (having procured an alliance with the Romans) they of all the eastern people first obtained their liberty. The Romans at that time were very free in giving away that which was not their own.''

3531. Josephus, (Antiq. l. 12. c. 17.) notes that this was the first league that was ever known to be between the Romans and the Jews. It is written in other words with this forged subscription, appended. This decree of the senate was written by Eupolemus, son of John, and Jason, son of Eleazar: (the Jew's agents)

``When Judas was high priest and his brother Simon, the general.''

3532. Jonathan was the most likely one to be the general while Judas was living. It was not until Jonathan died that Simon became the general. A little before Josephus incorrectly wrote that when Alcimus died, the people voted Judas to be the next high priest. /APC 1Ma 9:54-56 For this passage shows that Alcimus died after Judas and Josephus admits his error later and says that Jacimus or Alcimus had no successor at all and Jerusalem had no high priest for 7 whole years. (Antiq. l. 20. c. 8. p. 701.)

3533. There was a long debate in the senate between the delegates of both the Ptolemys. Titus and Cnaeus who were sent as ambassadors by the Romans testified for Euergetes and promoted his cause. The senate ordered that within 5 days Menithyllus, Philometor's delegate, should depart from Rome. The league which was between them and Philometor was void. The senate sent Publius Apustius and Caius Lentulus as ambassadors to Euergetes. They immediately went to Cyrene and with great care informed him what was done. This inflated his hopes so that soon he levied an army and plotted how to take over Cyprus. (Polyb. Legat. 117.)

3534. All Judas Maccabeus' friends met and chose Jonathan as general in his place. He was the brother of Judas and was surnamed Apphus. As soon as Bacchides heard this, he planned to kill him. Jonathan, his brother Simon and those that were with him found out about this. To thwart him, they fled into the desert of Tekoa and camped by the pool of Asphar. Jonathan sent his brother John, surnamed Gaddis with a band of soldiers, to ask the Nabathites (Arabians) that they might leave their wagons with them for they had many wagons. However, the children of Jambri from Medaba met with them on the way. They attacked and killed John and his company. They seized the spoil and went their way. Their victory was short lived. Jonathan and his brother Simon heard that those sons of Jambri were having a large wedding and were bringing the bride from Nadabath with great pomp and a long train of nobles. She was a daughter to a prince in Canaan. They arose from an ambush and attacked them. They killed 400 and the rest fled to the mountains. They seized all their spoil. After they had fully avenged the blood of their brother, they marched back to the marshes of Jordan. (/APC 1Ma 9:28-42. Joseph. l. 13. c. 1.)

3535. Bacchides followed Jonathan closely and came on the sabbath day to the banks of the Jordan River with a large army. Both the armies fought. In the fight Jonathan tried to kill Bacchides but he deflected the blow. However, 1000 of Bacchides' men were killed but Josephus says 2000. Jonathan knew he could not cope with such a large force. He and his men leaped into Jordan and crossed over to the other side. The enemy did not attempt to follow him. Bacchides returned to Jerusalem and built fortified cities in Judea and a fort in Jericho, Emmaus, Bethhoron, Bethel, Thamnatha, Pharathoni and Tephon. He strengthened them with high walls, gates and bars and put garrisons in all of them. He used these places as bases to attack and annoy the Jews. He fortified Bethsura, Gazara and the tower at Jerusalem. He supplied them with men and provisions. He seized the chief men's sons in the country for hostages and he put them in prison in the tower at Jerusalem. /APC 1Ma 9:43-53 Joseph. l. 13. c. 1.)

3536. Mithrobuzanes, one of the sons of Zadriades, king of the lesser Armenia had escaped to Ariarathes king of Cappadocia. Artaxias, the king of the greater Armenia whom Antiochus Epiphanes had conquered wanted his old kingdom. He sent an embassy to Ariarathes and asked him to side with him. They would murder one of the two brothers, whom he had under his power at that time and he would divide Sophene between them. Ariarathes detested this treachery and sharply rebuked the delegates. He sent letters to Artaxias and admonished him not to do such a wicked act. Moreover, he restored Mithrobuzanes to his father's kingdom. (Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. H. Valesii, p. 325.)

3844a AM, 4553 JP, 161 BC

3537. Ariarathes received Tiberius Gracchus, Lucius Lentulus and Servilius Glaucius, the Roman delegates in Cappadocia very royally. (Polyb. Legat. 119.) Demetrius Soter sent Menocharis there so that he could seriously debate with the Roman delegates about the settling of his kingdom. (Polyb. Legat. 120.) He also offered to King Ariarathes a marriage with his sister, who was related to Perseus, the king of the Macedonians. He declined, lest he offend the Romans. (Diod. Sic. Legat. 24. Justin l. 35. c. 1.)

3844b AM, 4554 JP, 160 BC

3538. Menocharis returned to Demetrius at Antioch and gave an account of his conferences with the Roman delegates. The king deemed it very necessary in his present condition, to gain the favour of the Roman delegates. He set aside all other matters and first sent to them into Pamphylia then again to Rhodes. He said he would do whatever he could for the Romans if they would confirm his title as king. Tiberius favoured him and helped him considerably to obtain the legal right to his kingdom. (Polyb. Legat. 120.)

3539. Leptines, who had stabbed Cn. Octavius the Roman delegate at Laodicea went to King Demetrius and told him not to be troubled by the death of Cnaeus nor to act harshly toward the Laodiceans because of this. He planned to go to Rome and state before the senate that he had done the act and that the gods approved of it. He went cheerfully of his own accord and was brought from there to Rome without any guard. Isocrates the grammarian, who by his vicious tongue had got him into trouble, went stark mad when he knew the trouble he was in. When he saw the irons put about his neck and the shackles on his hands, he neglected his personal duties including his appearance and clothes. (Polyb. Legat. 122.)

3844c AM, 4554 JP, 160 BC

3540. In the 153rd year of the kingdom of the Greeks, the second month, Alcimus commanded the wall of the inward court to be pulled down. This divided the court of the people from that of the Gentiles and was built by Zerubabel and the prophets. However, God shut the mouth of that profane high priest by striking him with a sudden palsy. He could not speak a word more nor give any orders concerning his own house. He died in great torment /APC 1Ma 9:54-56 in the third year after he had usurped the high priesthood. Josephus (l. 12. Antiq. c. 17.) said he was high priest for 4 years but in the second last chapter of the 20th book in the same work he says it was only 3 years. There he adds that after his death Jerusalem went 7 whole years without any high priest. 7 years five months elapsed between the second month of the 153rd year in which Alcimus died and the seventh month of the 160th year when Jonathan became the high priest. /APC 1Ma 10:21

3541. When Alcimus died, Bacchides returned to King Demetrius and Judea had two years of peace. /APC 1Ma 9:57

3845a AM, 4554 JP, 160 BC

3542. About the 155th olympiad, ambassadors came to Rome from Ariarathes king of Cappadocia with a crown of the value of 10000 pieces of gold. They told the senate how their king had graciously received Tiberius Gracchus and that for their sakes they refused any alliance with Demetrius and the offer of marriage with his sister. They added that he was very ready to serve the Romans, in whatever they wanted him to do. When Tiberius Gracchus and the rest of the ambassadors confirmed this as true, the senate accepted the crown and took it for a great favour. They gave them a staff and an ivory seat which the Romans highly esteemed. These ambassadors were sent by him to the senate immediately before the beginning of winter. (Polyb. Legat. 119 & 121 Diod. Sic. Legat. 24.)

3845b AM, 4555 JP, 159 BC

3543. When the new consuls, Cn. Cornelius Dolabella and Marcus Dolabella and Marcus Fulvius Nobilior assumed office, a joint embassy of Prusias, king of Bithynia and the Gallogrecians arrived and complained against Eumenes king of Pergamus to the senate. Attalus was also heard who was sent there by his brother Eumenes, to plead his cause. He was completely cleared of all the accusations and had much honour bestowed on him. He was received and dismissed with great courtesy. The hearts of the senators were aversed to king Eumenes whom they hated but they really liked Attalus. They hoped he would take over the kingdom from his brother and hence treated him royally. (Polyb. Legat. 119, 121.)

3845c AM, 4555 JP, 159 BC

3544. Menocharis and other ambassadors came to Rome from Demetrius Soter the king of Syria. They brought a crown worth 10,000 pieces of gold for a present which the king sent as a token of his gratitude for his kind treatment when he was a hostage at Rome. They turned over Leptines who had killed Cn. Octavius, the ambassador, and Isocrates the grammarian who publicly defended the murder. Isocrates was a strange spectacle to all. His countenance was terrible and fierce as a man's must be who in a whole year's time had never washed his face, trimmed his nails or cut his hair. The motion of his eyes showed he was mad. Whoever met him by chance would have preferred the attack of a wild beast instead. On the other hand, Legtines was wholy unaffected and ready at any time to come into the senate. He freely confessed the murder to anyone who talked with him. He was confident the Romans would not harm him and he was right. The senators had debated about this for a long time. Finally, the senate heard the ambassadors and received the crown from them. They made no mention of those two men as if that was a fault chargeable to all the Syrians. It was the policy of the senate to keep this matter to themselves so that as often as they pleased they might avenge this crime. They replied to Demetrius that the senate was ready to be friendly to him provided that he became their tributary again as before. (Polyb. Legat. 122. Diod. Sic. Legat. 25. Appian. Syriac. p. 118.)

3545. Orophernes, or as some call him Holophernes, spoke to Demetrius Soter, the king of Syria and complained that Ariarathes his younger brother, had driven him out of the kingdom of Cappadocia. Although, he was not the lawful heir but either put in by Queen Antiochis or adopted by her as Zonaras relates from Dion, as we said before (See note on 3832 AM <<3237>>) from Diodorus. Demetrius still bore a grudge against Ariarathes for slighting the offer of his sister to him in marriage. He was agreeable to the request and gave him 1000 talents to help dethrone Ariarathes. This was over and above the help he had from Eumenes, the king of Pergamus. (Polyb. l. 3. p. 161. Livy l. 47. Justin, l. 35. c. 1. Appian. Syriac. p. 118. Zonar. ex Dione.)

3546. When Eumenes, the king of Pergamus, was on his deathbed, he bequeathed his wife Stratonica, the sister to Ariarathes who had recently lost his kingdom to his brother Attalus. (Plutarch in Apothegm.) He reigned for 38 years. If we subtract the years as computed by Strabo, of his brothers' and his sons' reign who succeeded him from the interval inserted in the Roman history between his becoming king and the time when Pergamos ceased to be a kingdom, More than 38 years elapsed. Therefore Eumenes died in the very beginning of the 39th year. However, Strabo incorrectly states he reigned 40 years. He left Attalus Philometor, whom his wife Stratonica bare to him to inherit the kingdom after him. Since his son was so young, he appointed his brother Attalus Philadelphus, guardian of him and the kingdom, who managed its affairs for 21 years. (Strabo. l. 13. p. 624.)

3846a AM, 4555 JP, 159 BC

3547. In the morning about sunrise, Hipparchus made a second observation of the autumnal equinox in the 20th year of the Calippic Period, on the first day of the Egyptian Additionals. (September 27) (Ptol. l. 3. c. 2.)

3548. After Orophernes had expelled his brother Ariarathes, it behoved him to manage things with great prudence and ingratiate himself into the people's hearts by acts of clemency and grace. This he did not do but tried to get as much money together as he could. He most wickedly killed many. He gave Timothy whom afterwards he sent as an ambassador to Rome, 50 talents. He gave Demetrius 70 and promised to pay the another 400 talents soon along with another 600. When he saw that he was hated by the Cappadocians, he started to plunder all the people and take the the wealth of the nobility into his treasury. (Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Valesi. p. 334.)

3549. Orophernes who was educated in Ionia (See note on 3832 AM <<3237>>) had little regard for the constitutions of his country and set up:

``The Ionic and an artificial kind of intemperance.'' (Polyb. l. 22. and Athenaum, l. 10 c. 12.)

3550. After amassing a vast sum of money, he deposited 400 talents with the Prienians, in case the times should turn against him. Later they were faithful and restored it to him again. (Polyb. & Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Valesi. p. 170, 173. & 334.)

3846c AM, 4556 JP, 158 BC

3551. After Jonathan and his company had lived in peace for 2 years, some lying Jews suggested to Bacchides that there was a good chance of taking them all by surprise in one night. Thereupon Bacchides went toward them with a large force and sent letters secretly to all his friends in Judea. He asked for help in his plan of capturing Jonathan and his company. However, their plot was discovered by Jonathan and his men. They took the 50 men of the country, who were involved in this plot and executed them. /APC 1Ma 9:57-61

3552. Then Jonathan, Simon and those that were with him moved to Bethbasi, (or Bethlagan, as Josephus has it) which is in the wilderness. They repaired its walls which were in ruins and fortified it. As soon as Bacchides knew of this, he mustered up all his forces and summoned his adherents in Judea to come to him. Then he went and laid siege to Bethbasi and fought against it for many days with his engines. However, Jonathan, left his brother Simon in the city and crossed the country with a small troop. He killed Odoarrhes or Odomern and his brethren and the sons of Phasiron in their tents. When he began to kill all that he met and break into the enemy forces, Simon with his company sallied from the city and burned the engines. In this fight, Bacchides was defeated. He was enraged to see his plans thwarted and directed his anger against those wicked wretches that were the cause of this expedition. He killed many of them and planned to return into his own land. When Jonathan knew this, he sent commissioners to him to treat with him concerning a peace and to return the prisoners he had taken from Judea. Bacchides very readily embraced the motion, said he would do nothing against Jonathan all the days of his life. So he returned back to his own land and never entered Judea with an army again. Thus the wars were settled in Israel. Jonathan lived in Michmash in the tribe of Benjamin and began to judge his people and uproot the wicked from the land. /APC 1Ma 9:62-73

3847 AM, 4557 JP, 157 BC

3553. About noon, Hipparchus made a 3rd observation of the autumnal equinox in the 21th year of the Calippic Period, on the first day of the Egyptian Additionals. (September 27) (Ptol. l. 3. c. 2.)

3554. When Ariarathes was deprived of the kingdom, he came as an humble suppliant to Rome and sought the help of Sextus Julius, the consul. His clothes showed the great distress he was in. Demetrius sent an embassy under Miltiades. He came to defend against Ariarathes' accusations against Demetrius and to bring charges against Ariarathes. Orophernes also sent his delegates, Timothy and Diogenes to present a crown at Rome and to renew their alliance and association. Their main purpose was to justify and defend their actions and to accuse Ariarathes. Diogenes and Miltiades had the upper hand in the private conferences. They were in their prime and Ariarathes was in an afflicted and miserable condition. When they discussed the matter publicly they dared disagree with him and say anything whether it was true or not. There was no one there to refute what they said. (Polyb. Legat. 126.) Finally the senate decreed that since Ariarathes was a friend and an associate of the people of Rome, he and Orophernes should reign together as brothers and partners in the kingdom. (Appian. Syriac. p. 118. Zonar. ex Dione.)

3555. Ptolemy Euergetes, tried to capture Cyprus and was defeated in a battle there with his brother Philometor. Philometor besieged him in the city Lapithus until they were in dire straits. When he captured him, he spared him since he was of a mild disposition and because he was his brother. Also he feared the Romans. He forgave him and entered into a covenant with him and gave him back the rule of the Cyrenians. Instead of Cyprus, he gave him some cities with a annual allowance of grain. He also promised to give his daughter to him. Thus this war between the two brothers after much hard feelings was quickly settled in a peaceful manner. (Polyb. & Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Valesii, p. 197. 334, 337. Livy l. 47. Zonar. ex Dione.)

3556. When Orophernes knew that the Romans had taken away what he enjoyed formerly, he resolved as soon as possible to pay his mercenary soldiers. He feared that from lack of pay, they might rebel. Since he was short of money, he pillaged Jupiter's temple which was located at the foot of Mount Ariadne. Up until that time it had never been touched. From the plunder he was able to pay his soldiers what he owed. (Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Valesii, p. 337.)

3557. Attalus, Eumenes' brother and successor in the kingdom of Pergamos, drove Orophernes and Demetrius Soter from Cappadocia and restored Ariarathes to the throne. (Polyb. Legat. 126. p. 169. Zonar. ex Dione.)

3558. Demetrius Soter offered Archias 500 talents on the condition he would betray Cyprus to him. He promised him other rewards and honours if he would help him. As Archias was going about this, he was apprehended by Ptolemy Philometor. When he was questioned about what he was doing, he hanged himself with the rope of the curtain which was drawn before the hall. (Polyb. in Excerpt. Valesii, p. 170 & apud. Suidam, in voc.)

3559. After Ariarathes was restored unto the kingdom of Cappadocia, he demanded the Prienians pay the 400 talents which Orophernes had deposited with them. They honestly replied that as long as Orophernes was alive, they would not give the money to anybody but him, who had entrusted them with it. Thereupon Ariarathes sent troops to pillage the country and Attalus helped him. Indeed Attalus instigated this since there was a private grudge between him and the Prienians. There was a large slaughter of men and beasts and some were killed at the very gates of the city. However, the Prienans could not defeat them. Therefore they sent their ambassadors to the Rhodians and finally asked the Romans for protection. However, Ariarathes lightly esteemed all this news. The Prienians had faithfully restored to Orophernes the money he deposited with them. For that act, Ariarathes imposed a huge fine on them and afflicted them with most grievous calamities without just cause. (Polyb. in Excerpt. Vales. p. 173.)

3848 AM, 4558 JP, 156 BC

3560. When there were disputes between Attalus and Prusias Venator, the king of Bithynia, Attalus sent Andronicus, Prusias Niconmedes and Antiphilus as ambassadors to Rome. Thereupon, the senate sent Publius Lentulus to find out what was happening. When Andronicus began to charge Prusias with the first invasion, the Romans were not impressed with what he said. Prusias' ambassadors protested that there was no such matter. This made the senate give less credit to what was alleged against Prusias. After a more strict search into the business the senate did not know how well they could trust these agents. They sent two ambassadors of their own, L. Apulcius and C. Petronius to see how the affairs went between those two kings. (Polyb. Legat. 128.)

3849 AM, 4559 JP, 155 BC

3561. When Prusias had defeated Attalus, he entered Pergamos. After he made expensive sacrifices, he went into Esculapius' temple. As soon as he had made an end of offering, he returned again to the camp. The next day since he was unable to capture Attalus, he brought his forces to Nicephorium, which was near the walls of Pergamos. He began to pillage all the temples and rifled and ransacked the images and statues of the gods. At last even the image of Esculapius, to whom the day before he had offered so many vows and sacrifices was not spared. It was an excellent piece made by Philomachus or Phyromachus. He had his soldiers carry it away. From there he marched with his army to Elaea. He tried to besiege the city. He saw that this was not going to be successful because Sosander, the foster brother to Attalus was in the city with a strong garrison and drove him off. He went away by ship to Thyatira. On the way he sacked the temple of Diana in Hiera Cume. The temple of Apollo Cynius at Temnus was sacked and burned to the ground. When he had done this, he returned home. He had lost most of his foot soldiers to famine and a disease of a bloody flux. He had no better luck with his fleet. A violent storm in Propontis wrecked most of his ships and most of the soldiers and mariners drowned. The rest were cast on shore. (Polyb. & Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Valesii, p. 169, 170. & 337. cum Snidas. in Voce.)

3562. After Attalus had been beaten by Prusias, he sent his brother Athenaeus along with Publius Lentulus to tell the senate what had happened to him. (Polyb. Legat. 128.)

3563. After these two had told the senate of Prusias' deeds, the senators immediately ordered that C. Clausius Cento, L. Hortensius and C. Aurunculeius should go as ambassadors with Lentulus. They were to order Prusias to stop his hostilities against Attalus. (Polyb. Legat. 129.)

3564. When P. Scipio and Marcus Marcellus were consuls, the Athenians sent three of the most famous philosophers of that age, as ambassadors to the senate and people of Rome. Carneades an academic from Cyrene, Diogenes the stoic from Babylon, and Critolaus the peripatic, were sent to obtain a release of the fine of 500 talents. This was the judgment of the Sicyonians and ordered by the senate for their devastation of Oropus. When they were brought into the senate, they used Caecilius, or C. Acilius a senator for their interpreter. Although a little before, each of them had shown their abilities and discoursed in a great assembly of people. At that time, Rutilius and Polybius stated that it was admirable to hear the eloquence of those three philosophers as they spoke. Carneades was hot and fiery, Critolaus was witty and smooth and Diogenes grave and sober in his style. Clitomachus in his history written in Greek, relates, how that Carneades to whom Clitomachus was the speaker and Diogenes the stoic stood before the senate in the capitol. A. Albinus, who was then the praetor said in jest to Carneades:

``I seem not (O Carneades) in your eyes as if I were a praetor, because I am not a philosopher, nor Rome a city, nor its people citizens.''

3565. He replied:

``This stoic perhaps takes you for no such person.''

3566. As soon as Carneades was finished speaking, Cato the Censor thought it best to send away those ambassadors immediately because, while he argued the truth could not easily be discerned. The fame of those philosophers spread all over the city and the Roman youth set aside all other pleasures and delights and followed as if they were mad after philosophy. Cato, feared lest the youth should make all their studies this way and esteem the glory of eloquence more than of action and martial discipline. He moved that all philosophers should be sent out of the city in a civil manner. When he came into the senate, he rebuked the senators because they allowed those ambassadors who were able to persuade them what they pleased, to stay so long among them without an answer. Therefore he advised also that they would without further delay conclude and decree something concerning the embassy so that they might send them home to argue among their young Greeks and not to spoil the youth of Rome. These were to be made to strictly obey the laws and magistrates as in former times. (Cicero. in Lucullo. & Tulculan. quest. l. 4. & l. 2. de oratore. Pliny l. 7. c. 30. Plutar. in Catone. Malore. A. Gellius l. 7. c. 14. Maccab. l. 1. Saturnal. c. 5.)

3850 AM, 4560 JP, 154 BC

3567. At the same time that the senate sent Qu. Opimius, the consul, to wage war with the Oxybians of Ligurea (of which Polybius makes mention in the 134th embassy) Ptolemy the younger (Euergetes) came to Rome. No sooner had he entered the senate than he accused his brother Philometor of setting an ambush for him. He showed his scars of the wounds he had received. He tried to use inflamed language to stir up the people and to create sympathy for him. Ptolemy the older sent Neolaidas and Andromachus as ambassadors to answer the charges made by his brother. The senate would not allow them to speak because they seemed to believe what the other brother had said. They were commanded to leave Rome immediately. Five ambassadors were selected among whom were Cn. Merula and L. Thermus. To each were assigned ships of five tiers of oars. Their commission was to go along with the younger Ptolemy and give him Cyprus. They wrote also to their allies in Greece and Asia to help Ptolemy recover Cyprus. (Polyb. Legat. 132.)

3568. When the ambassadors from Rome were come to Prusias, they forbid him in the senate's name to take any more hostile action against Attalus, an ally and confederate of the Romans. They charged him strictly, either to submit to the senate's decree or to come with 1000 cavalry to the borders and there to argue the case with Attalus who was coming there with the same number. He saw Attalus' small retinue and hoped to surprise him. He sent his agents a little before him as if intending to follow after with his 1000 men. However, he drew up his whole army as if he had come to fight and not to talk. Attalus and the Roman delegates were warned and hurried away. However, Prusias seized the Roman wagons, took Nicephorum and demolished it. He burned the temples that were in it and forced Attalus with the Roman delegates to flee to Pergamos for refuge which he besieged. (Appian. in Mithridaticis, p. 172.)

3569. When Hortensius and Autunculeius returned from Pergamos to Rome, they declared with what great contempt Prusias had received the injunctions of the senate. Contrary to the league between them, he used all violence against them and Attalus after he had besieged them in Pergamos. The senators were so highly displeased and moved by this affront that they decreed that 10 ambassadors should immediately be sent. Among them were L. Anicius, C. Fannius, and Q. Fabius Maximus. These were ordered to end the war and to compel Prusias to make satisfaction of Attalus for the damages he had sustained by this war. (Polybius, Legat. 133.)

3570. While it was still winter, Attalus gathered a large army. Ariarathes and Mithridates his confederates had sent both foot soldiers and cavalry, under the command of Demetrius, Ariarathes' son. While Attalus was preparing for war, the Roman ambassadors met him at Quada. After they had talked with him, they went directly to Prusias. As soon as they came there, they told him he displeased the senate greatly. Prusias promised he would do some things the senate required of him but denied most of them. Thereupon, the Roman ambassadors to whom he had given great offence by his obstinacy, renounced that amity and alliance which had been formerly between them. They all left him and journeyed to Attalus. Prusias repented of what he had done and went after the ambassadors. He begged and beseeched them for a long time. When he saw no good would come of this, he let them go and returned home. He did not know what to do. In the meantime, the Romans advised Attalus to stay within his kingdom with his army and not commit any act of hostility against anybody. He should secure his own cities and villages from invasion. The ambassadors went their separate ways. Some went to Rome to tell the senate of King Prusias' pertinency. Others went into the country of Ionia and others to the Hellespont and adjacent lands to Byzantium. All of them went with the plan of making the rulers break their alliance with Prusias and join Attalus to help him in whatever way they could. (Polyb. Legat. 135.)

3571. Atheneus, Attalus' brother, came soon after this with a large fleet of 80 ships with decks. 5 came from the Rhodians that had been used in the war in Crete. 20 came from the Cyziceneans, 27 from Attalus, the rest were from his confederates. He sailed directly to the Hellespont. Any cities he sailed past that were under Prusias' command, he went ashore and wasted their countries. (Polyb. Legat. 136.)

3572. As soon as the senate had heard their ambassadors who returned from Prusias, they sent three others, Appius Claudius, Lucius Oppius and Aulus Posthumus. When they arrived in Asia, they concluded the war and prevailed with both the kings to agree on these conditions.

``Prusias would immediately give Attalus 20 ships with decks. He would pay him 500 talents over 20 years. Each should keep what they had before the start of the war. Moreover, Prusias was to make good the damages which he did to the countries of the Methymneans, Egans, Cumai, and Heracleots and to pay to them 100 talents.''

3573. After the covenants were signed by both parties, Attalus returned home with all the forces he had brought either by sea or land. (Polyb. Legat. 175.) When Prusias, saw his subjects hated him for his tyranny and how his son Nicomedes was loved by them, he grew jealous of his son and sent him away to Rome to live there. (Appian. in Mithridatic. p. 173.)

3574. When Antioch revolted from Demetrius Soter, Orophernes entered into a league with them and plotted how to dethrone him. He was recently restored to his kingdom. When Demetrius knew of his plans, he spared his life lest Ariarathes should be freed from the fear of war from his brother. However, he seized him and commanded him to be kept as a prisoner at Seleucia. Those of Antioch were not put off by the discovery of the plot but applied themselves all the more to their plan. They allied themselves with Ptolemy, the king of Egypt, Attalus, the king of Asia and Ariarathes of Cappadocia who was attacked by Demetrius. The men of Antioch bribed a certain obscure youth, a foreigner who was to lay claim to the kingdom of Syria, as being his father's kingdom. He was to try to recover it by force. So that the affront might be complete, they called him Alexander and said that he was son of King Antiochus. Such was the universal hatred of Demetrius that his rival had conferred on him by the consent of all the strength and power befitting a king and the royalty of extraction. (Justin l. 35. c. 1.)

3575. Livy (l. 52) says of this Alexander:

``to have been an obscure person and whose descent was not very well known,''

3576. Athenaeus (l. 5. c. 10.) styles him:

``the supposed son of Antiochus Epiphanes.''

3577. Appian says:

``one who added himself into the family of those that were descended from Seleucus''

3578. In the Syriac. (p. 31.) Sulpitius Severus:

``A youth raised at Rhodes who falsely bragged of himself that he was son of Antiochus.''(Histor. Sacra. l. 2.)

3579. Strabo, (l. 16. p. 751.) surnamed him Balas and Josephus, (l. 13. c. 8.) Balles.

3580. In the middle of the summer, Heraclides, whom Antiochus Epiphanes formerly had appointed over the treasury at Babylon, brought Alexander with him to Rome along with Laodice, the daughter of Antiochus Epiphanes his daughter. While he stayed at Rome, he wore the clothes of some great person and did all things very subtilly, purposely stretching out the time and hoped to incline the senate to favour his plans. (Polyb. Legat. 138.)

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3581. While Attalus, the son of King Eumenes (in whose name his uncle Attalus governed the kingdom of Pergamos) was yet a child, he came to Rome to ingratiate himself with the senate and renew that friendship and right of hospitality which formerly had been between his father and the people of Rome. He was treated with most extraordinary civility by the senate. His father's friends received an answer to his own heart's wish. He was given honours as were suitable for a child of his age. Within a few days, he returned from Rome. All the cities of Greece through which he passed, received him with great devotion and magnificence. (Polyb. Legat. 140.)

3582. Demetrius, later called Nicator, son of the then reigning Demetrius Soter in Syria, was at the same time at Rome. His reception was ordinary since he was a child and he did not stay long. (Polyb. Legat. 140.)

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3583. Heraclides stayed a long time at Rome and came into the senate with Laodice and Alexander (Balas). First the youngster made a short speech and desired that the Romans would be pleased to remember that friendship and alliance which had been formerly between them and his father Antiochus and that would help him recover his kingdom. Failing that, he asked permission to return to Syria and that they would not oppose any of those who were ready to help him regain his father's kingdom. Heraclides spoke next. After he had extolled the merits of Antiochus for a long time, he condemned Demetrius (Soter). He concluded that it was right and just to grant unto the youth (Alexander) and to Laodice, who were the lawful seed of King Antiochus, permission to return to their country. Very little if anything he said was liked by the sober-minded senators who thought all he had spoken was a fiction. They utterly detested Heraclides. The lowest of the senators, whom Heraclides by his delusions had made his friends, all agreed that a decree of the senate should be made to this end:

``The senate had given to Alexander and Laodice, children of a king who was a friend and an associate of the people of Rome, permission to return to their father's kingdom by right of former inheritance and to assist them according to their decrees.''

3584. Thereupon Heraclides presently hired soldiers and drew a very large number of persons to his side. He came to Ephesus where he began with all earnestness to prepare for the war he had so long planned. (Polyb. Legat. 140.)

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3585. In the 160th year of the kingdom of the Greeks, Alexander (Balas) who pretended to be the son of Antiochus Epiphanes, captured Ptolemais, a city of Phoenicia. It was betrayed to him by the soldiers who were garrisoned there. /APC 1Ma 10:1 (Joseph. l. 13. c. 3.) They detested Demetrius' behaviour because he was of a harsh disposition and very insolent. He secluded himself and did not care about public matters but trifled his time away in idleness.

3586. When Demetrius Soter heard that Alexander was received into Ptolemais, and began to reign there, he mustered together a very large force, and planned to march against him and fight with him. /APC 1Ma 10:1,2 After Demetrius considered the hazards of the war, he sent two of his sons, Demetrius Nicator and Antiochus Sideres who were later kings of Syria, with a great amount of gold to his army at Cnidus. This was to protect them should the war turn out badly. If that happened, they should live to avenge their father's quarrel. (Livy l. 52. Justin. l. 35. c. 2.)

3587. Demetrius wrote letters to Jonathan to renew peace with him and gave him authority to levy forces and to provide arms that he might help him in the war against Alexander. He ordered that the hostages who were kept in the fort, should be released. When Jonathan read the letters publicly at Jerusalem, those who held the fort feared and turned over the hostages to him and he gave them to their parents. /APC 1Ma 10:3-9

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3588. Jonathan wisely made good use of this opportunity and began to repair Jerusalem. He took care to build up the walls and the Mount Sion all around with square stones to fortify it. The aliens who were in the forts which Bacchides built, left their strongholds and hurried away to his own land. Only at Bethsura remained some of the apostates and deserters of the law and used that as their place of refuge. /APC 1Ma 10:10-14

3589. Alexander had heard in the meantime, of the good promises which Demetrius had made to Jonathan through his letters. Thereupon he also sent letters courting his friendship and association. He ordained him the high priest of that country. He honoured him with the title of being called the king's friend and sent him a purple robe and a crown of gold. /APC 1Ma 10:15-20

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3590. Jonathan assumed the high priesthood in the 7th month of the 160th year of the kingdom of the Greeks at the feast of tabernacles. /APC 1Ma 10:21 This was the 9th not the 4th year (as it is in Josephus l. 13. c. 5.) after the death of his brother Judas. For by that account, Judas died not before the 164th year of the Greeks. This contradicts the history of the Maccabees. /APC 1Ma 9:3,18,54. This error generated another in that Judas succeeded Alcimus in the high priesthood. We have shown previously this was wrong and it was later acknowledged by Josephus also. He clearly stated later that no one succeeded Jacimus or Alcimus but that the city was without an high priest for the 7 whole years. (Joseph. Antiq. l. 20. c. 8.) After 7 years and 5 months expired, Jonathan now assumed the office of the high priesthood. He was first of the Hasmoneans who descended from Jehoiarib who was of the priest's family. He was not descended from Jaddus the high priest, whose heir, Onias, at this time lived in Egypt with Ptolemy Philometor.

3591. Demetrius Soter was grieved that the Jews were inclined to side with Alexander. He hoped to win them over by forgiving the arrears of tribute and all the tribute by which the Macedonians had before miserably oppressed that country. He made generous promises of other honourable concessions. Jonathan and the people of the Jews were not much influenced by this. They knew that this offer came from a man who by his former actions had clearly shown his hatred of them. He would not keep his word if he escaped from those troubles he was in. Thereupon, they abandoned Demetrius and sided with Alexander. He had first made an offer of peace with them. From that time on, they were his confederates in the war. /APC 1Ma 10:22-47

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3592. Andriscus an Adramyttean, a contemptible person, said that he was the son of Perseus, the last king of the Macedonians and changed his name to Philip. He tried to create a rebellion in Macedonia. When no one paid any attention to him, he went into Syria and spoke to Demetrius Soter whose sister was Perseus' wife. He thought he might get some help from him. To better accomplish this, he devised this tale. He said he was descended from King Perseus by a courtesan and given to Cyrthesa to receive his education. This was done so that some of the royal family might be preserved in case he lost the war which he had with the Romans. After Perseus' death, he was kept in ignorance of his lineage and believed until he was 12 that the man with whom he was brought up at Adramyttum was his father. Afterward the man became sick and was about to die. Before he died, he told him the truth. He gave him a little book which his reputed mother signed with King Perseus' signet. He was to give it to him when he came of age. Until then everything was to be kept secret. When he came of age, the book was to be given to him, in which two treasures were left to him by his father. Then the woman who did not know that he was her own but a secret son, told him of his true descent. She begged him earnestly to withdraw from those parts before Eumenes knew of it who was Perseus' sworn enemy. She feared lest they should be put to death. For this lie he was taken by King Demetrius and sent to Rome. When it was obvious that he was neither the son of Perseus nor had anything else of note, he was slighted and condemned. (Livy l. 48 & 49. Zonar. ex Dione.)