2248. As Alexander was marching towards Carmania, he received news of the death of Philippus, the governor of the Oxydracans and Mallians. Thereupon he wrote to Eudemus and Taxilas and in his letters he gave them the charge of these two provinces until he would send a governor to replace Philip.

2249. As soon as he entered Carmania, Asaspes the governor of that province met him. He was suspected that he would have revolted from Alexander while he was in India. Alexander concealed the grudge he had toward him and received him very graciously. He treated him according to his rank and station. Meanwhile, Alexander tried to determine if the charges were true.

2250. Craterus came to Alexander with the rest of the army and the elephants. He brought with him Ordones or Ozines and Zariaspes whom he had taken into custody for trying to revolt in Persia. Stasanor, the governor of the provinces of Parthia and Hircania came to him with the captains and commanders of all those forces which he had formerly left with Parmenion in the province of Media. That is Cleander, Sitalces, Heracon and Agetho who brought him 5000 foot soldiers and 1000 cavalry.

2251. Various governors in the parts of India sent him a huge number of horses and other beasts of burden. Some were for pack animals and others for military use. These came from every country of his dominions in India. Stasanor and Phrataphernes brought him a huge number of draft horses and camels. Alexander distributed them all among those that wanted them to carry their goods with. He gave some to select captains and the rest he distributed among the soldiers, by troops and companies, as he saw was needed. He also armed his soldiers with new weapons. The reason was they now drew near to Persia. It was a peaceful and very wealthy country.

2252. Alexander (as Arrian reports from Aristobulus) offered a sacrifice of thanksgiving to his gods for his victory over the Indians and for the safe journey of his army from Gedrosia. He entertained his armies with sports of music, wrestlings and such like. Moreover he made Pencestes, who covered him with his shield in the country of the Mallians, to be the chief captain of his bodyguard. At that time, only 7 men had this honour, Leonatus, Hephaestion, Lysimachus, Aristonus (all born in Pella), Perdiccas a Macedonian, Ptolemy the son of Lagus and Pithon. The 8th man was Pencestes for his bravery in saving the king from the Mallians. Other writers, including Diodorus, Curtius and Plutarch, state that Alexander imitated Bacchus. In a drunken manner, he with his army spent 7 days crossing through Carmania. (Diod. Sic. & Plutarch in the life of Alexander and in the book of his good fortune & Curt. l. 9. c. 18. l. 3. c. 9, 24. l. 8. c. 19.) Arrian thinks this was unlikely since neither Ptolemy, Aristobulus nor any other credible writer mentions it.

2253. Aspastes the governor of Carmania, was put to death and was replaced by Tlepolemus. (Curt. l. 9. c. 18. Arrian. l. 6. p. 142. & in his Indica, p. 193.)

2254. Cleander and Sitalces who slew Parmenion by Alexander's orders, were accused to Alexander for many villainies (which I mentioned before) which they had done along with their subordinates and the army. Their act of killing Parmenion could not atone for such a number of villainies and gross misbehaviour as they were charged with. Therefore Alexander put them in chains to be executed when he thought fit. However, Alexander executed the 700 private soldiers whom they had used as to perform their villainies. At the same time Alexander had Ozines and Zariaspes executed whom Craterus had brought as prisoners for attempting to rebel in Persia as we noted before.

2255. Meanwhile Nearchus had sailed along the coast of the Arabians, the Oritans, the Gedrosians and the Icthyophagians (so called because they lived only upon fish) and arrived in the Gulf of Persia. He came to Harmozia or Armusia (which is now called Orus or Ormusa) and there drew up his ships. He went overland with a small retinue to Alexander. A Greek from Alexander's army told Nearchus that Alexander was not more than a 5 day journey from there. He found Alexander in a sea town called Salmus, busy making a stage play there and sitting in the open theatre.

2256. Alexander sacrificed there to Jupiter, by the name of a deliverer and to Hercules and Apollo, the deliverer from evil and Neptune for bringing his army safely across the ocean. He held sports, games of music and other gymnastic exercises. He had a pageant that was led by Nearchus. All the army worked to get flowers and garlands to bestow on him.

2257. When Alexander had heard the entire story of the voyage, he sent Nearchus back to the fleet with a small army to escort him. The whole country which he was to pass through was thought to be friendly. Alexander wanted him to sail up as far as the mouth of the Euphrates and be ready to row up to Babylon when ordered to.

2258. Tlepolemus was barely governor of Carmania, when the natives rebelled and took over the principal and strongest places of that country. These also attacked Nearchus on his return in various places so that he was often forced to flee 2 or 3 times in a day. After much trouble, he came safely to the sea side. He sacrificed to Jupiter his deliverer and held games of dancing, running, wrestling and the like. Then he sailed from Ormuse and followed the coast of the Persian Gulf. He finally came to the mouth of the Euphrates River. (Arrian. in his Indica from Nearchus)

2259. When Alexander received letters from Porcus and Taxiles that Abisarus was dead, he gave his kingdom to his son. He sent Eudemon or Eudemus who was commander of the Thracians to take over the government of the Oxydracans and Mallians and replace Philip who was killed.

2260. Alexander sent Hephaestion with the larger part of the army and with the wagons and elephants to go from Carmania to Persia by sea. The Persian Sea in the winter is always calm and there was abundant supplies in those parts.

2261. Stasanor was sent back to his government. Alexander with the choicest of his foot soldiers, the cavalry of his confederates and some of his archers marched to Pasargadas in Persia. He gave money to the women as was the custom of the Persian kings. Whenever they came into Persia, they gave to every woman there a piece of gold.

2262. As soon as he entered Persia, Orsines or Orxines met him. After the death of Phrasaortes, he was appointed governor there since Alexander was away far off in India. By Orsines' authority, the Persians were kept in subjection and in allegiance to Alexander until he ordered another governor to replace the dead one. Orsines was descended from one of the seven princes of Persia and traced his lineage from Cyrus. He came and met Alexander. He presented him and all his friends with rich gifts. He gave nothing to Bagoas the eunuch and the king's other homosexual lovers. He said it was not the Persian custom to show any respect to men who allowed themselves to be sexually used as women. This proved later to be the reason of his death. (Curt. l. 4. c. 27. & l. 10. c. 3. Arrian. l. 6.)

2263. While he was at Pasargadas there Atropates, the governor of Media arrived bringing with him the prisoner Baryaxes a Median who had worn his turban upright and called himself king of the Medes and Persians. Therefore he brought him as a prisoner to the king along with all those who had been part of the conspiracy. Alexander had them all executed immediately.

2264. Alexander was most of all offended at that vandalism of Cyrus' monument. He found it all broken down and spoiled. All the precious things which he had previously seen there except for a lector and a golden urn in which his body was placed, was stolen. The urn was broken and the covering of the urn taken off and his very body tumbled from it by those sacrilegious thieves. They had also tried to hew in pieces and batter the urn or coffin so they could carry it away in pieces more easily. This they were unable to do and they left it behind. Alexander ordered Aristobulus to rebuild his sepulchre as it was before. The parts of his body which were left were to be placed into the urn again and a new cover made for it. He was to restore everything as it was before. Then he was to seal the door which led into the chapel where the body lay with lime and stone and place the impression of the king's seal upon it. (Strabo from Aristobulus, l. 5. p. 173. & Arrian l. 6. fin.)

2265. After this Alexander commanded the magi who guarded the sepulchre to be racked to make them confess who did this sacrilege. When they told him nothing they were let go. However, Plutarch says that Polymachus a Pellaean noble was put to death by Alexander for opening and looking into the sepulchre.

2266. From Pasargada, Alexander marched to Persepolis the royal seat of the kings of Persia. On his previous visit he had set it on fire and burned it to the very ground. However on his return there, he blamed himself for doing this. Orsines the governor there was falsely accused of many misdeeds. He is said to have spoiled and robbed the king's houses and sepulchres of the dead and executed many of the Persian nobility. In particular, Bagoas the eunuch put it into the king's head that perhaps it was Orsines that had robbed the sepulchre of Cyrus too. For he said that he had heard Darius say there were 3000 talents stored there. Bagoas persisted so far with the king that he immediately caused the noblest person of all the Persian nation and Alexander's most affectionate servant to be crucified. Hence Bagoas got revenge against Orsines because he disapproved of Bagoas' homosexual lifestyle.

2267. At the same time, Phradtes, who had been formerly governor of the Hircanains, Mardians and Tapyrians was suspected of making himself a king and was executed. (Curt. l. 8. c. 8. & l. 10. c. 4.)

2268. Alexander made Pencestes governor of Persia. He had proved his worth many times over especially in that danger of his among the Mallians. Of all the Macedonians, only Pencestes adopted Median clothes and started to learn the Persian language and began to order all matters after the Persian attire. Alexander commended him greatly for this and the Persians were glad to see him use the Persian rather than the Macedonian attire.

2269. A new fancy struck Alexander. He wanted go down the Euphrates and Tigris Rivers to see the Persian Sea and how those rivers entered into the Ocean. This he had done at the Indus River's mouth. Also, he planned to sail around the coast of Arabia first and then of all Africa. He would return into the Mediterranean Sea and to Macedon by the way of Hercules' Pillars. (Arrian. l. 7.) When he was in this frame of mind, he ordered the governors of Mesopotamia to buy timber in Lebanon and to carry it to Thapsacus a city in Syria. They were to make keels for huge ships to be built on. They were not all of seven banks of oars high, as Curtius says. Some were of one size and some of another as we shall see shortly from Aristobulus. They were all to be brought overland to Babylon. The kings of Cyprus were ordered to provide brass, equipment and sails for this fleet, (Curt. l. 10. c. 2.)

2270. Nearchus and Onesicritus arrived with the fleet at the mouth of the Euphrates and anchored at Diridoris which is the chief market town of the whole province of Babylon. The merchants of Arabia sold their frankincense and spices here. When they heard that Alexander wanted to go to Susa, they went back and over to the mouth of the Pasitigris River. They rowed up that river and came to a country well inhabited and with plentiful provisions. When they had rowed about 19 miles, they came to an harbour there. They stayed there and waited for the return of those whom Nearchus had sent to find out where the king was. Meanwhile Nearchus sacrificed there to the gods, his deliverers and held games. All sailors were involved in this pastime and merriment. (Arrian. in his Indica.)

2271. Calanus was an Indian and of the Gymnosophista or the sect of Philosophers who went naked. In all his 73 years he had never felt an ache in his bones or other sickness in his body. He happened now to become ill with his first sickness at Pasargadas. He began to feel sick and he grew weaker every day. When he came to the borders of Susa, (for there it was that this happened according to Diodorus and not in a suburb of the city of Babylon according to Elian. l. 5. Varia. Histor. c. 6.) he asked Alexander if he would make a large pile of wood. When he climbed on top of it, he wanted some of his servants to set it on fire. At first the king endeavoured to dissuade him from his plan. When he could not, the man told him he would die some other way. Alexander ordered a pile of wood made as he desired. He had Ptolemy the son of Lagus take care of this. (Diod. Sic. l. 17. Strabo, l. 15. p. 686, 717. & Arrian. l. 7.) As he was going to the pile of wood, he greeted and kissed the hands and bade farewell to all the rest of his friends. He would not kiss Alexander's hand for he said that he would meet with him at Babylon and would have lots of time to kiss it there. He meant that Alexander would die at Babylon and predicted his death there. (Arrian. l. 7. p. 160. Plut. in Alex. Cic. l. 1. De Divinat. Valer. Max. l. 1. c. 8.)

2272. Nearchus tells us that as soon as the fire was started, Alexander had the trumpets sound. All the army that were there gave a shout as if they had been ready to join in a battle. Also at the same time the elephants made a noise like they used to do when they entered into a battle. It was as if all had planned to honour the funeral of Calanus. (Arrian.)

2273. Chares of Mitylene, adds that Alexander to honour his funeral proclaimed a prize for the musicians and wrestlers. To please the Indian nation, he held a drinking match which was their custom. He awarded a talent to him who could drink the most, 30 pounds for second prize and 20 for the third prize. Alexander held a feast for his friends and captains. At that feast, Promachus drank the most. He drank 4 gallons and one bottle and was awarded first prize. He died three days later. 35 of the rest were chilled by the event. 6 others died shortly thereafter in their tents. (Athenaus, l. 10. c. 12. Plutarch in Alexander. Elian, Varia. Histor. l. 2. c. 42.)

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2274. Nearchus and Onesicritus with their naval forces continued their course up the Pasitigris River and came to a recently built bridge over which Alexander with his army was to pass. They sailed into Susa and laid anchor. (Arrian. in his Indica, p. 197.) Pliny (l. 6. c. 23.) says they found him at Susa observing a holiday. This was 7 months after he left them at Patala and in the 3rd month after they set sail from there. This really was in the sixth month since we have already shown that they left Patalene in the next month after he left them at the city Patala.

2275. When the naval and land forces came together, Alexander offered sacrifices again for both his navy's and army's preservation. He held plays and games for it. Wherever Nearchus went through the camp, every man scattered flowers and placed garlands on him. (Arrian. in his Indica, p. 197.)

2276. After Alexander had sent away Attopates to his province, he marched to Susa. Abulites who had made no preparation at all for his entertainment, only presented him with 3000 talents of silver. Alexander ordered him to lay it before his horses. When they would not do it Alexander asked for what purpose then is this money? Plutarch says that Alexander laid Abulites in irons and ran his son Oxathres or Oxyartes through with a javelin. Arrian says that he put both the father and son to death for their bad behaviour in the government at Susa.

2277. Many of the people of the countries which he had conquered, came in and complained about their governors. The governors never even dreamed that Alexander would ever return alive from India. Therefore they committed many and monstrous outrages on the temples of their gods, the sepulchres of the dead and the on their subjects and property. Alexander ordered all of those governors to be executed in the view of those who came to complain against them without any respect of nobility, favour or service which they had done. He executed Cleander and Sitalees whom he had condemned while he was yet in Carmania because they were as guilty as the rest. Heracon who up until now had escaped scot free, was now accused by the men of Susa for robbing and ransacking their temple. He was convicted and executed. Alexander was ready to listen to even a slight accusation about trivial matters and to punish it with death and torment. He did this even for small offences because he thought that they who acted improperly on small matters intended greater evils in their mind.

2278. When the fame of Alexander's severity against his officials spread, many feared what would become of them knowing how they had behaved. Some got all the money they could and fled to parts unknown. Others who commanded mercenary troops, openly revolted from Alexander. Thereupon Alexander sent letters to all the governors of the countries throughout all Asia to disband and send away all mercenary troops. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 113.)

2279. No sooner then were the mercenary troops discharged, then they wandered over all Asia with no work. They lived from the spoil of the country until at length they all came into one body at Tenarus in Laconia. Likewise all the commanders and governors of the Persians who were left, gathered together what men and money they could and came to Tenarus. They all joined their forces together there. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 113. & year 2. Olymp. 114.)

2280. Alexander married Statira, the eldest daughter of Darius, and according to Aristobulus, Parysaris, the youngest daughter of Ochus. He gave Drypates, the youngest daughter of Darius and his own wife's sister in marriage to Hephaestion. He gave to Craterus, Amestris, the daughter of Oxyarta or Oxathra, a daughter of Oxathres, the brother of Darius. Perdiccas married the daughter of Attopates the governor of Media. Nearchus married the daughter of Spitamenes the Bactrian. He gave to Ptolemy the son of Lagus, the captain of his bodyguard and to Eumenes the two daughters of Artabazus and sisters to Barsina. By whom, though not in lawful wedlock, Alexander had a son called Hercules. Ptolemy's wife was called Artacama or Apama. Eumenes married Artonis. Note that the name "Barsine" in Arrian, (l. 7. p. 148.) is written for "Statira". However, in Plutarch, in the beginning of the Life of Eumenes, he so names his wife instead of "Artonis".

2281. To all the rest of his friends, Alexander gave wives, from the most illustrious families that were of the Medes and Persians. The number according to Arrian was 80 or 90 according to Elian or 92 according to Chares, or 100 according to Plutarch in his discourse of the Fortune of Alexander. These marriages of Alexander and his friends were all made and solemnised at the same time. The king bestowed a dowry for each one of them. For 5 days they celebrated these marriages with pomp, magnificent feasts and parties according to Elian. (l. 8. c. 7. Var. Hist. & by Atheneus, Deipnosoph. l. 12. c. 18. from Chares of Mytylene, l. 10 of his History of Alexander.) To each of the 9000 guests, he gave a golden vial to sacrifice a drink offering with. To the rest of the 10,000 Macedonians who had formerly married wives from Asia he gave each man wedding gifts.

2282. Moreover, he thought it fitting at this time to pay every one of his soldiers' debts from his own funds. He ordered that each one should submit a ticket of what he owed and they would be given the money to pay their debt. At first very few gave in their tickets for they feared that this was but a scheme of the king's to find out who they were that could not live on their pay because of their riotous living. Among those who submitted a ticket was Antigenes. He had only one eye and had lost the other under Philip at the siege of Perinthis by an arrow from the wall. He pretended to be more in debt than indeed he was and brought a man to the pay master who affirmed that he had lent Antigenes so much money. Thereupon Antigenes received the money he asked for. The king was later informed of this abuse and was very angry. Alexander forbade him from ever coming within his court and removed him from his office. Antigenes took this ignominy to heart and thought to commit suicide. When Alexander knew of this, he forgave him and allowed him to enjoy his money.

2283. When Alexander heard that many who were truly in debt would not turn in their names to be given money to pay their debts, he publicly blamed them for being so distrustful of him. He said that a king should only be honest with his subjects just as the subjects should think the king was totally honest and fair to them. Then he had tables to be set out in various places of the camp with money on them. Whoever brought in his ticket of what he owed, received his money immediately without being asked so much as what his name was. Then they began to believe that Alexander was a man of his word.

2284. The money he distributed among his soldiers amounted to about 20,000 talents, according to Justin and Arrian. Diodorus is likely more accurate when he says it was less than 10,000 talents. Curtius and Plutarch say that of 10,000 talents brought, there were only 130 left after all were paid. Curtius says:

``So that army the conqueror of so many nations, brought yet more honour and glory then spoil and riches from Asia.''

2285. Alexander gave other gifts at that time to various men in the army either according to degree and quality or in regard of some memorable service which they had done. For those who excelled in this bravery, he gave in addition crowns of gold to wear. The first one was given to Pencestes who protected him with his shield against the Mallians. The next he gave to Leonatus, who at the same time also fought most courageously in his defence and had on occasion behaved most bravely in the country of the Oritans. The third he gave to Nearchus who had brought his navy and army on ships safely from India through the ocean. The fourth crown was given to Onesicritus, the pilot of the king's ships. Hephaestion and other captains of his bodyguard received crowns also.

2286. Meanwhile the governors of various cities which he had built and various provinces he had subdued, brought 30,000 troops to him at Susa from Persia and other nations. (See note on 3676 AM.) These were all good strong young men. These were selected by the king's command and trained in the Macedonian military manner. They were all gloriously armed and camped before the walls of Susa. When they had proven their readiness and skill in military discipline before the king, the king highly reward them. He called them the Epigoni, that is, of a later troop replacing those who in feats of chivalry and conquering the world had gone before them.

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2287. Alexander had turned over most of his land army to Hephaestion to be led to the coast of the Persian Gulf. He had ordered his navy to come to the country of Susa. He sailed there with his silver targeteers, his phalanx or main squadron and part of his fellow cavalliers. They sailed down the Ulay River into the Persian Gulf. Before he came there, he left many of his ships which were leaky or damaged. With the rest he sailed from the mouth of that river by sea to the Tigris River. The rest he sent up the channel connecting the Tigris with the Ulay River and so they all came to the Tigris River.

2288. Alexander sailed along the shore of the Persian Gulf which lies between the mouth of the Ulay and Tigris Rivers and came to his camp. Hephaestion with the army was waiting for his arrival. He returned again to the city of Opis on the bank of the Tigris River. As he went on, he had all the dams, locks and sluices removed which the Persians had made on that river to hinder enemy access by the sea to Babylon. He said they were devises of little worth. (Arrian. l. 7. with Strabo. l. 16. p. 740.)

2289. As soon as he came to Opis, he called all his army together and declared to them what his plans were. He wanted to discharge all who through age or otherwise found themselves unfit for military service. These would be free to return home. He promised to make the conditions of those who stayed so wonderful and to bestow such gifts upon them as to make their eyes ache of those who were idle at home. This would encourage the rest of the Macedonians to come and share with them in their fortunes.

2290. He did this planning to honour the Macedonians. However, they took it as if he was ashambed of them and counted them no better than a company of useless men for his wars. They seemed anxious to recall all other grievances and occasions of discontent he had done to them. He was wearing a Median robe and that all those marriages that he made were all solemnized after the Persian manner. Pencestes his governor of Persia had turned completely Persian both in clothing and language. Alexander delighted too much in these new customs and foreign fashions. The Bactrians, Sogdians, Arachosians, Zarangians, Arians, Parthians and Persian cavalry who were called Euaca were mixed with and counted among his fellow cavaliers. There was a 5th Brigade of cavalry set up. It was not composed completely of foreigners but yet an increasing the number of his cavalry were from foreign countries. Cophes the son of Artabazus, Hydarves and Artiboles, the two sons of Mazaeus, Itanes the son of Oxyartes and brother to Roxane, Alexander's wife, Aegobares and his brother Mithrobaeus were in this new regiment. Hydaspes a Bactrian, was the commander over that regiment. Instead of the Macedonian spear, they used a javelin, after the custom of the foreign nations. He had created a new company of young foreigners and called them Epigoni and armed them after the Macedonian manner. Finally, in all things he despised and scorned the Macedonian discipline and customs and even the Macedonians themselves. Therefore they all cried out and desired to be discharged and to serve no longer in the wars. They bid him and his father Hammon to go and fight after this if they wanted to since he grew weary of and cared no more for his own soldiers who had previously fought for him.

2291. In this revolt, Alexander, enraged as he was, leaped off the place where he stood speaking to them. With such captains as were around him, he flew in among them and took 13 of the principal rebels who had stirred up this sedition among the rest. He delivered them to the serjeants to be bound hand and foot and thrown into the Tigris River. So great was either the dread of the king on them or the resolution of the king himself in executing them according to marshal discipline that they took their death so patiently as they did. Then Alexander accompanied by only his friends and captians of his bodyguard, went to his lodging. He neither ate nor slept nor allowed any man to come into his presence all that day nor the one following.

2292. On the 3rd day, he ordered the Macedonians to stay in their tents and called his foreign soldiers together. When they came, he spoke to them by an interpreter and ordered their perpetual loyalty to himself and to their former kings. He recalled all the many favours and honours which he had conferred upon them how he had never used them as conquered persons but as fellow soldiers and partners in all his conquests. He had mixed the conquered with the conquerors by intermarriage. He said:

``Therefore, count not yourselves as made, but born my soldiers. The kingdoms of Asia and Europe are become all one. What was novelty before is now grown natural by long use and custom and you are no less my country men than you are my soldiers.''

2293. After this he chose from them 1000 tall young men and appointed them for his personal bodyguards. He gave the chief commands of the army to the Persians and called the various troops and companies by Macedonian names. These he also called his kinfolk and friends. He only allowed them the privilege to be admitted to kiss his hand. (See Polyanus Stratag. 4. in Alexander num. 7.)

2294. The Macedonians saw the king come out guarded only with Persians and that all the serjeants and other attendants were Persions. Only Persians were promoted to all the places of dignity and honour and the Macedonians were set aside with scorn and infamy. Their courage failed and they conferred a while among themselves. Then they ran all together to the king's lodging and cast off all their clothes to their very waist coats. They threw down their arms at the court gates and stood outside and begged to be admitted. They offered to turn over every author of that rebellion and desired the king to be satisfied with their deaths rather than their disgraces. Although Alexander was no longer angry, he would not let them in. On the contrary they would not go away but continued there crying and howling two whole days and nights. They called on him by the name of lord and master and promised never to leave his gate until he had mercy on them. On the 3rd day he came out to them. He saw their humiliation and dejection before him with their genuine sorrow. He heard their pitiful complaint and lamentation which they made and was moved with compassion for them. He wept a long time over them. He stood a good while as if he would speak to them but could not and they continued all that time on their knees before him.

2295. Callines, a man venerable for his age and of great esteem in the regiment of his fellow cavaliers, spoke to him.

``This is what O king which grieves your Macedonians that now you have made some of the Persians your cousins and these you have received to kiss your hand and have deprived your Macedonians of this honour,''

2296. When he would have proceeded, Alexander interrupted him, and said:

``I now make you all my cousins and from henceforth will call you by that name.''

2297. When he had said this, Callines stepped out and went and kissed his hand and so did as many others who wanted to. Every man took up his arms again and they all returned with joy and triumph into the camp.

2298. Then the king went and sacrificed to the gods as he was accustomed to do. He made a general feast for all the army. He sat down first. Then his Macedonians were seated and then the Persians. After them, the rest according to their various ranks and stations in the army. Then Alexander took from the bowl and drank. So it went round among the Macedonians. The Greek prophets and Persian priests poured forth their prayers. Among all the favours they asked from their gods for him, was to grant a concord and unity of empire between the Macedonian and Persian kingdoms. It is said that there were 9000 guests who sat at this feast and that they all pledged this concord and sang the same Paeana, or song of joy and gladness to Apollo as they used to do when they returned from a victory to their camp.

2299. Alexander passed over the Tigris River and camped in a country called Cares. When he crossed the region called Sitacene in a 4 day march, he came to Sambana. He camped here 7 days and then after a 3 day journey, he arrived at Celovae. Before this, Xerxes had made a colony of those whom he brought from Baeotia. Then turning aside from the way to Babylon, he went to see Bagisthenes, a country abounding with fruit and all other commodities that are good for one's health and pleasure.

2300. Meanwhile, Harpalus a Macedonian who was the chief baron and treasurer of all the king's money in Babylon and revenues of that whole province, knew well of his wastefulness and bad conduct in that office. He also knew what Alexander had done to many other governors when complaints were made about them by their subjects. He got 5000 talents of silver and 6000 mercenaries and fled from Asia and came with them to Taenarus in Laconia. He left them there. (Others who could not stay in Asia had already exciled themselves here, as I said before) He went to Athens in a humble manner. When Antipater and Olympias demanded him from their hands, he so dealt with the people of Athens by seeing Demosthenes and other orators there that he escaped and returned safely to his company at Taenarus. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 113. Pausanias in his Attica, Plurtarch in the lives of Demosthenes and Phocyon,) In Arrian there is a blank left, (l. 7. p. 155.) where the flight of Harpalus from Babylon should have been recorded with that journey of Alexander's after, (as appears by Photius in his Biblioth, c. 91.) There was an action brought against Harpalus for bribes he received according to Dionysius Halicarnassaeus, in the end of his Epistle to Ammaeus concerning Demosthens when Anticles was archon at Athens. This was, as I said before, in this 4th year of the 113th Olympiad, according to his account.

2301. Hephaestion and Eumenes had an argument about a certain gift and exchanged many harsh words. Alexander settled the difference and made them friends again. Hephaestion was unwilling at first and Alexander had to threaten him. However, Eumenes was content with the settlement. (Plut. in Eumenes. Arrian. l. 7. p. 155.)

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2302. Alexander went from there into a country, where great herds of horses of the Persian kings grazed. In this place, called the Nicean Country, there were used to be kept 150,000 or 160,000 of the king's horses. When Alexander came there, he found about 50,000 horses. (Arrian) Diodorus Sicilus states there were about 60,000 horses. Most of the horses had been stolen.

2303. When Alexander had camped here 30 days, he marched again and 7 days later came to Ecbatane, the chief city of all Media. Its circumference was over 31 miles. As his custom was after any good success, he offered sacrifices and held games of music, gymnastics and exercises in honour of his gods. He feasted with his friends. When he had ordered matters there, he returned again to see his stage players and actors play their parts. He instituted certain feasts because 3000 cooks and their helpers had come to him from Greece.

2304. Apollodorus of Amphipolis was a friend of Alexander and whom he had made general of that army which he had left with Mazaeus when he made him governor of the city and province of Babylon. When he heard what had happened to other governors Alexander had placed over his kingdom, he was afraid just as his friend Harpalus was before him. Apollodorus had a brother called Pythagoras, who was a soothsayer. He consulted him by letters to find out what was likely to happen to him. Pythagoras sent back letters and desired to know whom he feared that he wanted his fortune told? He replied that it was for fear of Alexander and Hephaestion. Thereupon Pythagoras looked into the entrails of a beast for Hephaestion. When he found that its liver had no fibres, he wrote back again to his brother from Babylon to Ecbatane. He told him not to fear Hephaestion for he would soon die. Aristobulus states this letter was written the very day before Hephaestion died. (Arrian. l. 7. with Apian, toward the end of his second book De Bell. Civi.)

2305. Hephaestion loved wine too much and became sick because of it. He was a young soldier who would not keep any diet he was told to follow. While his physician Glaucias was away for a time, he ate dinner as he did at other times. He had a roasted guinea fowl and took a huge draught of chilled wine after it. He became sick and died 7 days later from this.

2306. On the same day there were gymnastic games performed before the king by the pages of the court. When he was told of Hephaestion's illness, he suddenly arose from the games and went to see Hephaestion. When he came, he found him dead. Thereupon he did not eat for 3 days nor take care of himself. He lay all that while either sullenly silent or impatiently lamenting the loss of his Haphaestion. Afterwards he changed his attire and shaved himself. He ordered all the soldiers and even the horses and mules to be all shorn. He had the pinnacles taken from the walls in Ecbatane and all other cities and towns around there. He wanted them to look poorly so they would appear to lament and bewail his death. He crucified his poor physician who could not help him. He ordered that there be no sound of pipe or flute heard in all the camp and ordered a general mourning among all provinces for Hephaestion. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 113. & Plut. in his Alex. & Peloprdas, Arrian. l. 7. & on Epistetus, l. 2. c. 22. & Elian Var. Hist. l. 7. c. 8.)

2307. Alexander gave his body to Perdiccas to be carried to Babylon. He intended to give him a most magnificent funeral. He often spoke with the principal architects around him about making a most splendid monument for him. He spoke most with Stasicrates who knew of rare inventions used for creating and erecting vast buildings.

2308. Eumenes feared lest Alexander might think that he was glad for Hephaestion's death. He encouraged Alexander all the more on this project and suggested to him new ways to honour Hephaestion. He devoted himself and his arms to Hephaestion. Various others of Alexander's friends followed Eumenes' example and did likewise. (Plutarch in the life of Eumenes, & Arrian. l. 7.)

2309. Moreover since Hephaestion was the colonel of the regiment of the king's fellow cavaliers, Alexander did not replace him lest the name of Hephaestion should be forgotten among them. He named that regiment, Hephaestion's regiment as he called the cornet after him which he gave to go before them whenever they went to battle. (??)

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2310. At last to lift his spirits, Alexander started a needless war. He divided his army with Ptolemy and went hunting men and to clear the country as he would clear a forest of wild beasts. He attacked the Cossaeans, a people bordering on the Uxians who lived in the mountainous parts of Media. The Persian kings could never bring them under their subjection. Nor were these people in all these wars ever discouraged or thought that the Macedonians were such great warriors as to be afraid of them. First he took the passes leading through the mountains into their country and wasted their borders. Then he went further on and routed them in various conflicts. He destroyed them wherever he came without mercy and called that Hephaestion's funeral feast. As well Nearchus according to Arrian, tells us that Alexander attacked these Cossaeans in the depths of winter, when they little dreamed of any enemy coming upon them. (Strabo. l. 11. p. 524. Arrian. l. 7. p. 157. & in his Indica, p. 196. See also Polyanus, Stratag. l. 4. in Alexan. num. 31.)

2311. The Cossaeans saw they were being badly defeated and were grieved to see what large numbers of them were taken prisoners. They were forced to redeem their fellow's lives with their own slavery. They surrendered entirely to Alexander's will and pleasure. He granted peace to them on these conditions. They would always obey the king and do whatever he commanded. So Alexander returned with his army after he subdued all that country within 40 days time. He built various cities on the most difficult passes of the country.

2312. Alexander sent Heraclides, with certain shipwrights into Hircania to cut timber there for building ships. They were all to be "men of war", some with decks some without after the Greek design. He had a great desire to see the Caspian Sea and to know to whom it belonged.

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2313. When he had crossed with his army over the Tigris River, he marched straight towards Babylon. He made many camps along the way and rested his army in various places. When he moved at any time, he made easy marches. When he was about 40 miles from Babylon, he was met by the Chaldean priests and prophets. They were sent to him by one of their own company, called Bellephantes. They advised him that under no conditions should he go to Babylon for if he did, he would die there.

2314. When Alexander was told by Nearchus, (for he dared not talk with Bellephantes) what the Chaldean's message was, he sent many of his friends there. He turned aside from Babylon and would not go into it. He camped about 25 miles from it at a place called Bursia. This perhaps is the same place which Ptolemy calls Bersita, a city long since destroyed.

2315. There Anaxarchus and other Greeks persuaded him not to regard those predictions of the priests and magicians but rather to reject and despise them as vain and false. Thereupon he quoted that iambic verse of Euripades:

``Who best can guess, he the best prophet is.''

2316. Then the Chaldeans desired him that if he would enter that city that at least he would not enter it with his face toward the west. He should take the trouble to go about it and come into it looking toward the east. Aristobulus tells us, that he listened to this. On the first day he marched as far as to the Euphrates River. On the next day, he had the river on his right hand and marched along its bank. He wanted to pass by that part of the city which looked toward the west so that he might come in looking toward the east. When he found that way marshy and hard for his army to pass over, he neglected that very point of their counsel also. He entered Babylon with his face toward the west. (See Appian. toward the end of his second book, De Bello Civi. and Seneca, Suasor. 4.)

2317. When Alexander came to the walls of the city, he looked and saw a flock of crows, fighting and killing one another. Some fell down dead close to him. Apollodorus told him that he had a brother in that city called Pythagoras who was skilled in soothsaying by looking into the bowels of beasts that were offered for sacrifice. He had already consulted the gods that way concerning Alexander. He immediately sent for him and asked him what he found out concerning him. He told Alexander that he found the liver of the beast without any fibres. Alexander asked what that meant. Pythagoras replied that some great evil hangs over your head. (Appian has it that you shall shortly die.) Alexander was not offended by him. Indeed from that time on, Alexander consulted him the more because of his candour in dealing with him. This much Aristobulus relates that he learned directly from Pythagoras.

2318. The Babylonians entertained his army in a very courteous manner as they did the last time he was there. They indulged in ease and luxury. There was no lack of anything there that the heart would desire. (Diod. Sic.)

2319. While Alexander resided at Babylon, there came ambassadors to him from all the parts and nations of the world. For besides those that came out of Asia, from cities, princes and countries there, many came from other countries in Europe and Africa. From Africa came the Ethiopians who lived near the temple of Hammon and from the Carthaginians and other Punic countries bordering all along the sea coast from as far as the Pillars of Hercules and the western sea. From Europe came ambassadors from various cities of Greece, Macedon, Thracians, Illyrians and Scythians. The Brutians, Lucanians and Etruscians came from Italy along with the islands of Sicily and Sardinia. They also came from Spain and France whose very names and countries the Macedonians had never heard of before.

2320. Alexander had a list made of them and appointed who of them should see him first until he would have heard them all. He decided to see those who came about religious matters first. After that he would see those who brought him presents. Next he would see those who came about wars which they had with their neighbouring countries. Next he would see those who came about their particular and private interests. Lastly he would see those who came to show why they did not restore any Greeks whom they had banished from their cities or countries to their homes and estates again. In order to hear them, he had a throne of gold to be set up in the garden there and placed seats of silver for his friends. He took his place with his friends to hear these ambassadors. (Athenaus l. 12. c. 18. from Ephippius Olynthius) His main purpose was that after he heard them, to answer them so they would be content and to send every man away satisfied and well pleased.

2321. The first ones to see him were those who came from the city Elis. After he saw those who came from the temple and city of Ammon, from Delphi, from Corinth, Epidaurus and others. He heard each of them in order of the dignity and fame of the temples rather than of the cities from where they came from.

2322. When he had heard the ambassadors from Epidaurus and granted their request, he sent a present and oblation by them to their god Eseulapius. He added these words:

``that Esculapius had dealt but unfavourably with him, in recently taking away from him, a friend, whom he loved as his own life.''

2323. He took all the statues of the illustrious persons or images of the gods or any other consecrated thing that Xerxes had before taken from Greece. He had set them up or otherwise placed them in Babylon, Susa, Pasargada and elsewhere in all Asia. Alexander ordered the ambassadors of Greece to take and carry these statues home again with them. Among the rest, he had the brass statues of Harmodius and Aristogeiton to be returned to Athens with the image of Diana Cercaea.

2324. Concerning the restitution of the exiles of Greece, he sent this short epistle by Nicanor, a native of the city Stagyra, to be read and proclaimed at the next Olympic games.

King Alexander, to the outcasts of Greece sends greeting:

``We were not the reason that you were banished but we will take care to see you are all restored to your former estates except such as are banished for outrageous crimes. Concerning these things we have written to Antipater and ordered him to proceed by way of force, against all such as shall oppose your restitution.'' (Diod. Sic. l. 17. year 2. Olymp. 113. & l. 18. year 2. Olymp. 114.)

2325. When he had taken care of all the ambassadors, he started to prepare for Hephaestion's funeral. He ordered all the cities in the region to contribute whatever they possibly could to the funeral. Moreover he expressly ordered all the cities and countries of Asia to put out the fire which the Persians called the "Holy Fire", until after the funeral. This was the custom in the funerals of the kings of Persia. This action was taken as an ill omen to the king himself and as portending his death.

2326. Thereupon all his chief commanders and friends made medallions of Hephaestion, carved from ivory or cast in gold or some other costly metal. Alexander called together the best workmen that were to be had. A large number of them broke down the wall of Babylon for about 1.25 miles. They took its brick and first levelled the place. They built on the location a square funeral pyre about 200 feet (130 cubits) high about 210 yards long. The body was to be burned on this. This work Diodorus describes in detail giving the total cost of this splendid funeral. The mourners, the soldiers, ambassadors and natives of the country tried to outdo each other in giving to this project. More than 12,000 talents was collected. (Justin l. 12. c. 12.) Plutarch and Arrian say it was about 10,000 talents.

2327. Alexander first threw Hephaeston's weapons into the fire and then threw in the gold and silver along with a robe of great value and esteem among the Persians. (Elia. Var., Histor. l. 7. c. 8.) Besides this, Alexander held games of gymnastics and music far beyond all that he had ever done before. The number of the winners and value of the prizes was greater than anything before. It is said, that there were no less than 3000 who entered the games for the prizes of all kinds. (Arrian. l. 7.)

2328. It happened that Philip, one of the king's friends returned to him from the temple of Hammon where he had been sent. He brought word from the oracle there that Hephaestion might be sacrificed to as a demigod. This greatly pleased Alexander. First of all, Alexander offered to him after that custom and then sacrificed to him 10,000 beasts of all kinds. He made a magnificent feast for all the people. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 114. & Arrian. l. 7. p. 157. 164.) He ordered Cleomenes the governor of Egypt (See note on 3673a AM) a lewd man, to erect temples in Hephaestion's name. He also ordered that no written contract would be good or valid if Hephaestion's name was not subscribed to it. He added this also in the letter which he wrote to him about this matter:

``For if I shall find that you have duly erected temples to Hephaestion in Egypt as to a demigod, I will not only pardon you of all your past offences which you have committed in your government but whatever you shall do after this shall never be laid to your charge by me.''

2329. Thereupon many cities started building temples and shrines to Hephaestion. They erected altars, offered sacrifices and observed holidays in his name. The most religious oath that a man could take was if he swore by Hephaestion, "it is true or false". Death was the reward for any man who faltered or failed in his devotion to him. Many dreams were said to have been of him and that his ghost appeared to many. Many words were recorded which his ghost had spoken and the answers which it made. Sacrifices were offered to him as to a tutelar god and a revenger of all evil. Therefore Alexander at the very first was wonderfully pleased with such fancies in other men but after a while, he began to believe them himself. He bragged that he himself was not only Jove's son but also that he could make gods of other men. At which time also, one Agathocles, a Samian and one of Alexander's best captains was in extreme danger for his life. He was accused that when he passed by Hephaestion's tomb, he was seen to weep. He would have undoubtedly died for it had not Perdiccas helped him out by a lie of his own making and swore to it by Hephaestion. He said that Hephaestion appeared to him as he was hunting and told him that Agathocles wept for him indeed but not as for one that was dead and now vainly called upon and worshipped as a god. He wept only in a due remembrance of the former intimacy and familiarity that was between the two of them. Except for this tale, Agathocles a great soldier and loyal to the king, would have died for being so kind to his deceased friend. (Lucian. in his book of false accusing.)

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2330. The 114th Olympiad was celebrated at Elis. All agree that Alexander died in that year. (Josephus l. 1. cont. Apio.) This was the time when Hagesias or Hegesias was archon at Athens. (Diod. Sic. l. 17.) This is confirmed by Arrian in his 7th book of the deeds of Alexander that Alexander died toward the end of his year of archonship, in this very Olympiad year. This shall be noted by the month when he died.

2331. At the general assembly of all Greece at the Olympic games Alexander's letter for the restoring of all exiled persons to their homes and estates again was read publicly by the one who announced the winners in any game. Nevertheless, the Athenians and Etonans protested against it. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 113. Justin, l. 13. c. 5.)

2332. While he was at Babylon, Alexander received his fleet according to Aristobulus. Part of it sailed down the Euphrates into the Persian Sea under the command of Nearchus. Some of the ships had been built in Phoenicia and Cyprus. 2 of the Phoenician ships had 5 tiers of oars and 3 ships had 4 tiers high and 12 were 3 tiers high. 30 vessels had 30 oars each. All these ships had been taken apart in pieces and carried overland to the city Thapsaca and there reassembled. They sailed on the Euphrates to Babylon. Alexander had some other ships also to be built at Babylon from those Cypress trees which he found in their gardens there. There was no other timber in those parts fit for ship building. Moreover there was brought to him at Babylon, all other provisions for shipping from Phoenicia and other cities that were along the sea coasts in Asia. Also shipwrights and mariners of all types came to him. (Strabo, l. 16. p. 741. Arrian. l. 7, p. 161. from Aristobulus.)

2333. Alexander had a port made at Babylon that was large enough to receive 1000 warships. He had built galleries and docks there and sent Maccalus a Clazomentan, with 500 talents into Phoenicia and Syria. He was to persuade or hire as many seamen as he possibly could to come and serve him. Alexander planned to make several colonies on the Persian Gulf and assured them that those places would be as lavish to dwell in as any places in Phoenicia. (Arrian, l. 7. p. 161.)

2334. All these naval preparations were made to attack the Arabians, under the pretence that among all other nations only they sent no ambassadors to him and showed no respect to him. The real reason was he had an inordinate desire to be sovereign over all. He had heard that they worshipped only two gods Jove and Bacchus. Alexander thought himself worthy to be worshipped as a third god among them if he could overcome them and restore to them, as he had done to the Indians, their pristine liberty. (Strabo l. 16. p. 741. & Arrian. l. 7. p. 161.)

2335. Alexander was told that Arabia that bordered on the sea coast, was as large as all India and had many islands lying near their coast. He sent Archias and Androsthenes (that is that Androsthenes of Thasus of whom Strabo, l. 16. p. 766. and Theophrastus, l. 2. of Plants, c. 7. mention.) and Hieron of Solos with 3 ships of 30 oars apiece. They were to sail from Babylon with orders to sail around Chersonese or the peninsula of Arabia. They were to find out what they could about all the ports in that region. Concerning these ports, Arcmas brought him word that there were two islands which lay out in the sea at the mouth of the Euphrates River. The smaller one he consecrated to Diana and was 15 miles offshore. Alexander, according to Aristobulus, named the island Learus. The larger island was a day and night's sailing from the shore in the same latitude called Tylus. However Hieron who went further than any of the rest, brought him word that the Chersonse was of a vast size and had a cape which ran far out into the ocean. Those who came with Nearchus by sea from India, described it to be not far off before they arrived at the mouth of the Euphrates River. (Arrian, l. 7. & in the end also of his Indica.)

2336. While his ships of war were being built and a harbour was being dug at Babylon, Alexander sailed down the Euphrates River 100 miles from Babylon to the mouth of the Pallacopa River. They rowed up and down and according to Aristobulus, he sometimes steered his own boat. He saw some ditches which he had scoured by those that were with him. They dammed up the mouths of some and opened others. They saw one dike among the rest on the Arabian side toward its marshy places. The outlet was difficult to dam because of the weakness of the soil. Alexander opened a new mouth some 4 miles from the other in somewhat more firm and hard ground and forced the water course in that direction. He saw there many monuments of the old Assyrian kings and princes who lay buried in that marshy country and in the middle of those lakes. (Strabo, l. 16. p. 741. Arrian. l. 7.)

2337. They sailed through those lakes into the body of Arabia. Alexander built a walled city there and planted there a colony of mercenary Greeks, volunteers and such as through age or otherwise were grown unfit for the war. (Arrian. l. 7.)

2338. He began to laugh and scoff at the Chaldeans and their predictions. He had entered Babylon and left it safely with his fleet. Therefore he sailed the more boldy through those lakes of Arabia, having Babylon on his left hand. (Arrian. l. 7. Appian. toward the end, l. 2. De Bell. Civil.)

2339. When a part of his army wandered up and down in those parts and were lost for lack of a pilot, Alexander sent them one who brought them into the right channel again. Then there arose a mighty wind which separated Alexander's ship from the rest of the fleet and hurled the king's hood off from his head into the water. His turban or diadem which was fastened to it, was rent from it and driven by the wind onto a large reed which grew close to a sepulchre of one of the kings who was buried there, as I said before. One of the mariners saw it and swam to it. He took it up and put it on his own head on his return for fear of getting it wet. Aristobulus says that the mariner who did it, was a Phoenician and that he was well scourged for presuming to put the king's turban on his head. After this accident Alexander consulted a wizard and was advised to offer a magnificent sacrifice to the gods and to be very diligent and devout in it. (Diod. Sic. see Appian, in his Syriaca, p. 124. in the Greek and Latin edition.)

2340. When Alexander was told that the Athenians and Etolians would not obey his edict concerning the restoring of their exiles, he ordered 1000 warships to be built. He planned to make a war in the west and to begin it with the destruction of Athens but died before he could do this. (Justin l. 13. c. 5. & Curtius l. 10. c. 4.)

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2341. When Alexander returned to Babylon, he indulged in its luxuries. He was so addicted to gluttony and drunkenness that in the diaries that were kept by Eumenes Cardianus and Diodorus Erythraeus, it is often found that such and such a day or night Alexander was carried drunk to bed. (Athena. l. 10 c. 11. with Phillinus in Plut. l. 1. Sympos. c. 6.) One example of this is cited by Elian. (l. 3. Var. Histor. l. 23.) from Eumenes. I thought it good here to insert, so that may appear that some use may be made of my treatise of the Macedonian year compared with the days of our Julian Calendar. I first corrected that place in Elian where it is written without any sense and making it the month called Dios as thus:

``On the 5th of the month Dios (our Sept. 28.) he drank himself drunk at Eumaus' house. He did nothing all that day but rose and ordered his captains where they should march tomorrow. He told them that he would be going very early. On the 7th day (our September 30) he dined with Perdiccas and started drinking again. On the 8th (our October 1st) he slept all day and upon the 15th of the same month (our October 8th) he was drinking again. The next day (our October 9th.) he slept off all day according to his custom. Upon the 24th (our October 17th.) he ate at Bagoas' lodging which was 1.25 miles from the king's palace. Then on the 3rd (or rather the 5th) he slept it off again.''

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2342. When Alexander saw Babylon excel both in greatness and all other things, he planned to embellish it all that he could and to make it the place of his residence for the rest of his life. (Strabo. l. 15. p. 731.) He resolved to rebuild the temple of Belus and raise it from its ruin. Some say he planned to make it more magnificent than ever it was before. In his absence the Babylonians went on more slowly in the work than he would have liked. Therefore he intended to have all his army work on it. The work would require much labour and lots of time. Therefore he was not able to go through with it as he wanted to because he died soon after this. (Strabo. l. 16. p. 738. & Arrian l. 6. p. 159.)

2343. Alexander dreamed that Cassander killed him. He had never seen the man in all his life and shortly after this when he happened to see him, he recalled his dream. At first this alarmed him but when he understood that he was a son of Antipater, he cast out any fear of any harm from him especially of poison. This was at that time being prepared for him. He merrily utterred a certain Greek verse purporting that:

"So many dreams, So many lies."

2344. or something to that effect.

2345. When Cassander saw the foreign people prostrating themselves when they came to him and since he had never seen this done before he started to snicker. Alexander was furious and wrapped both his hands in his long hair and he beat his head against the wall. (Plut. in Alexand.)

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2346. A rumour was circulated that Antipater had sent a poison by Cassander to deliver it to his brother, Iolla, the cupbearer to the king. Iolla was supposed to have poisoned Alexander's last drink. It was also said that at the same time Alexander had sent Craterus with a company of old soldiers to succeed Antipater. (Curt. l. 10. c. 10.) Concerning the poison of which Alexander is said to have died, see Andraeas Schottus, and his collections on it made from various authors in the comparison which he makes, of the lives of Aristotle and Demosthenes. (to the 1st year of the 114th Olymp. and Mathaus Raderus, on Curt. l. 10. c. 7.) As for Craterus and his old soldiers that were sent away with him into Macedon, although Justin, Arrian and Plutarch report this event happening before the death of Hephaestion. However, it ought have happened at this time and not before as appears by many other arguments. In particular that at the time of Alexander's death, Craterus with his old maimed soldiers had not come into Macedonia but was still in Cilicia.

2347. Those who wanted to of the Macedonians who found themselves disabled through age or other weaknesses of body to follow the war any longer were dismissed by Alexander to return into their own country. The number of them at this time, came to 10,000. (Diod. Sic. l. 17. year 2. Olymp. 113) Justin (l. 12. c. 12.) states that it was 11,000. To each he not only gave their full pay for the time of service but also money for the journey home. If any of them had children from Asian wives, Alexander asked them to leave them with him. He feared lest that half breeds might in time stir up some rebellion in Macedon in contending with the wives and children who lived there. He promised that when the children were grown up, they would be trained in marshal discipline after the Macedonian custom. Then they would have them sent home to them. Justin says that those who returned, had their full pay for the time of their journey. Plutarch states that the children of the deceased, continued to receive their father's pay. He further adds that Alexander wrote to Antipater that they who returned should have the best places given to them in the theatres and should sit there with garlands on their heads. When they parted, they all wept including the king.

2348. Together with these, various friends were sent home according to Clytus, Gorgias and Polysperchon. If Claterus should happen to die on the way, as he was at that time quite weak and sickly, they would have a noble commander to lead them. He ordered Craterus to take the government of Macedon, Thrace, Thessaly and of free Greece in Antipater's place. Antipater was to come to Alexander and to bring with him an army of young lusty Macedonians to replace the old ones which he had sent home to him.

2349. When Craterus was sent to lead some old worn out soldiers into Cilicia, he received written orders from Alexander. Diodorus Siculus using the king's own commentaries states the main points were these. He should have 1000 war ships of 3 tiers of oars built that would be a little larger than ships of that size. These were to be constructed in Phoenicia, Syria, Cilicia and Cyprus for his wars against the Carthaginians and others bordering on the sea coasts of Africa, Spain and the islands as far as Sicily. He was to give orders that his way along the sea coast of Africa as far as Hercules' Pillars was to be ready for him. To set aside 1500 talents to build 6 magnificent temples. He was to make ports in various places suitable to receive that large fleet. He was to take men from Europe into Asia and likewise from Asia into Europe to live in such new cities as he would build in either continent. Alexander hoped that by inter-marriages he might establish a peace between the two main continents of the world. These were his plans of which Lucan speaks in this manner. (l. 10.)

His purpose was the Atlantic Sea to sail; Nor fire, nor water, nor the Lybian sand. Nor Ammons Syrts could bound his vast desires. He would into the western clime wave gone, Where the sun stoops to fall into Tethis lap; And to have marched quite round about the poles, And drunk Nile's water, where it first doth rise, Had not death met him and his journey stayed. Nothing but nature could a period bring, To the vast projects of this mad-cap king.

2350. A little before his death, ambassadors came to him from Greece to acknowledge him as a god. They wore crowns of gold and placed them on his head.

2351. Pencestes returned from Persia with about 20,000 Persians and also brought a large company of Cossaeans and Tapurians along with them to Babylon for his service. These nations bordered on Persia and were reckoned the most warlike of any other nation. Philoxenus came with an army from Caria and Menander with another army from Lydia and Menidas with an army of cavalry. Alexander commended the devotion of the Persian nation and especially Pencestes for his just discreet government among them. He ranked both them and also those who came from the sea side with Philoxemus and Menander with his Macedonian squadrons. He had frequent naval exercises in which there were often sea fights between the ships of 3 and those of 4 tiers of oars on the Euphrates River. As well the mariners and the commanders in these exercises worked hard to outdo their opponents. Alexander always bestowed crowns and honoured those that did the best.

2352. Once when he was ordering those companies who came with Philoxenus and Menander among his Macedonian squadrons, he happened to be thirsty (Arrian l. 7. from Aristobulus) He left his throne and some of his friends on the thrones next to his left to attend him. It happened that a certain lowly man, (some say that he was committed to custody but without irons on him) came through the middle of all the bodyguards and other officers, who stood closely around the throne and sat down on the king's throne. The bodyguards dared not pull him off the throne because there was a Persian law to the contrary. They rent their clothes, beat their faces and pounded their breasts. They took this as an exceedingly ominous omen against the king. When Alexander heard this, he caused the man to be racked to know whether he had done it with any plot with others or not and for what purpose. When he answered that what he had done was only from a light humour and fantasy which came into his head, the wizards told him that it was by so much the worse sign. Diodorus says that by their advice the poor fellow was killed for this act. They hoped that if there were any bad luck in this, it might happen on him not to Alexander. Plutarch states the same adding that when he was on the rack and asked his name he replied that it was Dionysius, a Messenian.

2353. A few days later the king sacrificed to his gods in thanksgiving for his good successes. This time he added more to the sacrifices than normal by the advise of the priests. After that he started feasting with his nobles and sat up doing this until late into the night. He also distributed beasts for sacrifices among the soldiers and gave them wine to drink. When he was leaving the feast, he was told that Medius a Thessalian had prepared a banquet and had invited him and all his company to it. At the banquet 20 guests sat. Alexander drank to their health and they the like to him again according to Athenaeus from certain memorials, commonly attributed to Nicobulus. (l. 10. c. 11. & l. 12. c. 18.)

2354. Alexander had called for a cup containing 9 quarts (2.25 gallons) according to Ephippius, in a book which he wrote of the death and burial of Alexander and Hephaestion as reported by Athenaeus. (l. 10. c. 11.) He ordered Proteas a Macedonian to drink to him. Proteas cried to let it come and he spoke many words greatly honouring the king. He took the cup and drank from it with such grace that all the table commended him highly for it. After a while, Proteas called for the same cup again and drank it to the king. Alexander took it and pledged him a great draught but could not drink it but let the cup fall from his hand. He lay along on the cushion and presently fell sick and died. This was that Herculean fatal cup to Alexander of which besides Diodorus and Plutarch, (Seneca also in his 83rd Epistle,) mention. Compare this with what Athenaeus states. (l. 11. c. 17. & Macrobius, l. 5. Saturnal. c. 21.)

2355. Aristobulus says that when he grew light headed with his fever and very thirsty, he called for a draught of wine and that cast him into a frenzy. So on the 30th day of the month Dasius, that is on the 24th of our May, Alexander died. Others say that he died on the 6th day of the month Thargelion with the Athenians as Elian has it. (l. 2. Var. Histor. c. 25.) This would be on May 18th. In the diaries that were kept of the kings actions it is said that he died the 28th day of the month Daesius or 22nd of our May. Therefore it is sure that he died in the month Daesius according to the Macedonian account and in our month of May although the writers disagree on the day of the month.

2356. From the diaries, Arrian and Plutach describe in detail the events that happened during his last sickness. No one can tell us who wrote those diaries of what he did. Whether Eumenes Cardianus or Diodorus Erythreus or Strattis Olynthius did this, we do not know. He wrote a diary of his deed in 4 books and one particular book of Alexander's death according to Duidas. Whoever's diaries they were, they contain the clearest account of what happened. Therefore have I thought it good to include what I found in Plutarch from these diaries. I compared them with the days of the Macedonian month of Daesius and our month of May using my own discourse of the Macedonian year.

``The 18th of the month Dasin's (May 12th) he slept in a bath for his fever. The next day (May 13th) after he had washed, he went to his chamber and spent that day there playing dice with Medius and then washed again. Toward the evening after his devotions, he ate his supper somewhat greedily and the next night had a grievous bout of a fever. On the 20th day (May 14th) when he had walked, he offered sacrifices very solemnly again. While lying along in a bath, he listened to Nearchus as he told him what things as had happened to him on his voyage and what wonders he had seen in the ocean. (May 15th) When he did the same this day, his fever increased. The next day (May 16th) his fever grew very sharply and he was carried to lie in a chamber near the great pool or swimming place. Here he talked with his commanders of putting approved men in places of office when offices needed to be filled. On the 24th (May 18th) his sickness grew worse and he offered sacrifice to which he was carried. He ordered the chief commanders and captains who were then in the court to stay with him but the centurions and corporals to serve outside and watch. He was carried into the innermost lodgings of the court. On the 25th day (May 19th) he had a little relief but his fever did not leave him. When the captains came to him, he did not speak to them at all and likewise on the 26th. (May 20th) Thereupon the Macedonians thought that he had been dead and came flocking with a great noise to the chamber door and threatened his friends who were there if they would not let them in. The doors were opened and every common soldier passed by his bedside. The same day Pithon and Selencus who were sent to Serapis' temple to learn whether Alexander should be moved there or not. They brought back the answer from the oracle that he should stay where he was. On the 28th day (May 22nd.) in the evening he died.''

2357. Now whereas I said that all the Macedonians passed by the king's bedside, it is to be understood that they came in at one door and went out another. (Lucian in Psendons.) Although he had grown weak and faint with the severity of his sickness, yet he raised himself upon his elbow and gave everyone of them his hand to kiss as he passed by. (Valer. Max. l. 5. c. 1.) This may seem more incredible in itself considering the posture he put himself in. He stayed in that position from the first until the last man of the army had passed by and kissed his hand. (Curt. l. 10. c. 7.)

2358. When the soldiers were gone, he then turned to his friends and asked them whether they thought they should find a king like him or not? When no man answered that question, then again he said that as he could not answer that either. Therefore he foresaw how much Macedonian blood would be shed before this matter would be settled and with what great slaughters and shedding of blood they would solemnise his funeral and sacrifice to his ghost when he was gone. He ordered his body to be carried to the temple of Ammon and there to be buried. (Justin l. 12. c. 15.) When his friends asked him to whom he would leave his kingdom, his answer was, "To the strongest". Then he took off his signet and gave it to Perdiccas. By this they all conceived that his meaning was to commend the government of his kingdom to his care and trust until his children should come of age. (Emil. Probus in Eumene.) Again, when Perdiccas asked him when he would have divine honours performed to him, he replied that when they were all grown happy.

2359. Eratosthenes in his Canons, (mentioned by Clemens Alexanderinus l. 1. Srom.) says that 12 years passed between the death of Philip and the change, i.e. the death of Alexander. This is the very number given him in (/APC 1Ma 1:7 and in the Chronicles of the Jews and also in Jertullian. (lib. cont. Judaos. c. 8. in Porphyrie, cited by Euseb. p. 124 in Scaliger's Greek edition of him, in Rufinus, in Josephus' Antiquities l. 12. c. 2. in Orosius, l. 3. in Jerome and Theodoret on Daniel Da 11) Although A. Gellins, (l. 17. c. 21.) allows him only 11 years. Julius Africanus and from him Eusebius say it was 12 years and 6 months, Diodorus Sic. says 12 years and 7 months, Livy and after him Emil. Probus in Eumene say 13 years.

2360. There are just as many differences among writers concerning the years of his life as there are of this reign. Cicero in his 5th Philippic speaking, says:

``What shall I say of Alexander the Macedonian when he set himself on great achievements from his very youth and was he not taken off them until by death in the 33rd year of his life. A consul must by our law be ten years older than that.''

2361. Justin (in the last chapter of his 12th book) says that he died at the age of 33 years and one month. However (Philostratus, l. 2. de Vita. Sophista: in Herodes, Euseb. in Chron. and in his first book, de Vita Constants. and Jerome, on Da 8 11:1-45) and various other writers follow Eusebius, (in Chron.) and say he lived no more than 32 years. All which are nevertheless to be reduced to that rule given by Arrian. (l. 7. p. 167.) He lived 32 years and took up 8 months of the 33rd. year as Aristobulus says. However he reigned 12 years and 8 months.

2362. Immediately after Alexander's death, there arose such a dispute between the cavalry and foot soldiers of the army concerning the settling of the present state of things. They were ready to fight and to take up arms about it. Yet by the advice of the friends and commanders the matter was settled. It was agreed that the supreme authority or rather a bare name and shadow of it should be committed to Aridaeus the brother of Alexander and son to his father Philip. He was the son of Philinna of Larissa, a common dancer. (Athenaus, l. 13. c. 13.) states this from Ptolemy son of Agesarchus in his History of Philoptaer.) She was a whore. (Justin. l. 13. c. 2. & Plutarch in the end of his Alexan.) When by common consent he was proclaimed king, they called him by the name of Philip. Along with him was the son that Roxane would bare. She was 8 months pregnant with Alexander's son according to Justin. Curtius, (l. 10. c. 10.) says she was 6 months pregnant. No consideration was given to his son Hercules who then lived at Pergamus because he was born by Barsine who was never married to Alexander. Since Aridaeus was a weak spirited man but not through any natural infirmity of his own as Plutarch notes in the end of the life of Alexander. This was his normal nature. Therefore Perdiccas, to whom Alexander delivered his signet in the hour of his death, was made Lord Protector or Steward and in effect absolute king. The charge of the army and of all its affairs was committed to Meleager the son of Neoptolemus, with or under Perdiccas. The command of the cavalry which was the most honourable position in all the army and which after Hephaestion's death was given to Perdiccas, was now assigned to Seleucus, the son of Antiochus, yet with or under Perdiccas as the other was. The oversight also of the kingdom, and its treasure was commended to Craterus' trust. (Diod. in the beginning of his 18th book, Justin. l. 13. c. 1-4. Curt. l. 10. c. 10-12. Plutarch, in Eumene and Alexan. Dioxippus and Arrian. in their books written of what passed after the death of Alexander, in Phot. Bibliot. cod. 82. and 92. Appian. in his Syriaca. p. 120. 124.)

2363. Censorinus in his discourse, "De die natali", notes that the years of Philip are to be reckoned from the death of Alexander and always start from the 1st day of that month which the Egyptians call Thoth. For the Egyptian astronomers apply this calculation of times for ease of calculations to their own account. They make its start to be the 1st day of Thoth in the beginning of the 425th year of Nabonasar. That is on the 12th of November, in 4390 JP. This is in the 7th month before the true time of Alexander's death. From the beginning of that month Thoth it is that Ptolemy in his Manual Canons of Astronomy (not yet published) deduces the epoch or risings of all the stars of which he in his Preface "Ad Syrus" says:

``Here are fixed the epochs or start of all accounts according to the meridian of Alexandria which is in Egypt from the first day of the Egyptian month Thoth of the first year of Philip who succeeded Alexander, the founder of this city.''

2364. This is not Philip the father of Alexander, (as some have imagined) but of Philip, brother and next successor to Alexander. The Alexandrians for honours sake call Alexander their founder as he indeed was. It is added:

``For from the 1st day of his (meaning Philippus Aridaeus) reign, the times of the Manual Canons of Ptolemy, (who in them follows the common account or calendar of the Egyptians) are taken.''

2365. According to the rectifying of the Egyptian year (reduced to the Alexandrian account which Theon also used in his canon) are calculated. This we find also in the Greek collections published by Scaliger in his Eusebian Fragments. (p. 48.) Hence it is also that in the Epistle to Apollophanes (falsely attributed to Dionysius Areopagita: found in Hilduinus, in his Areopagatica) these astronomical tables are called, "The Canon of Philippus Aridaus."

2366. The dead body of Alexander had lain 7 days on his throne according to Justin. (Elian says 30 days, Var. Histor. l. 12. c. 64.) All the while men's thoughts were taken up about the settling of the present state and did not give Alexander a proper burial. Yet was there not in all that time found any putrification or the least discolouring of the flesh of his body. The very vigour of his countenance which is the proper effect of the spirit that is in a man, continued still the same. Therefore the Chaldeans and Egyptians were commanded to take care of the body. When they came to do it, at first they dared not approach to touch him for he looked alive. After saying their prayers that it might be no sin to them being but mortals to lay their hands on so divine a body, they started to work and dissected him. The golden throne where he lay, was all stuffed with spices and hung about with pennants and banners and other emblems of his high estate and fortune. (Curt. l. 10. in fi.)

2367. Aridaeus was in charge of his funeral and of providing a chariot to carry the body into the temple of Ammon. We do not know whether this was Alexander's brother, as Justin has it, (l. 13. c. 4.) and Dexippus, as we find in Scaliger's Greek fragments of Eusebius, (p. 84.) or some other Aridaeus of whom we shall see more later. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 114.) He spent two whole years in preparation. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 114.) When Olympias, his mother, saw him lie so long unburied in great grief of heart cried out and uttered these words:

``O my son, you that would needs be counted among the gods and was in earnest about it. Could you not now have that which every poor man has, a little earth and burial.'' Elian. Varia. Histor. l. 13. c. 30.)

2368. Meanwhile when Sisygambes the mother of Darius, heard of his death, she was very sorrowful and covered herself with mourning attire. When her niece and nephew, Drypetis and Oxathres, came and fell at her knees, she looked away from them and would neither eat nor see the light any more. So on the 5th day after this, she died of hunger. (Diod. l. 17. in fi. Curt. l. 10. cap. 8.)

2369. Roxane who great with child, was favoured by the Macedonian army. She grew envious of Statira, the eldest daughter to Darius and she was one of Alexander's wives also. She sent letters and invited her to come to see her. As soon as she came, Roxane had both her and her sister Drypetis, Hephaestion's widow, murdered. She threw both their carcases into a well and cast earth upon them. Perdiccas knew of this and helped her. (Plut. in the end of the life of Alex.)

2370. Later Roxane gave birth to a son whom they named Alexander and the common soldiers proclaimed him king. (Arrian. in Biblioth. Plotis, c. 92., with Pausanias in his Attica and Dexippus in Scaliger's Greek fragments of Eusebius, p. 48.)

2371. Perdiccas ordered the purification of cleansing for the whole army by a solemn sacrifice. Since the death of the king, there were many disputes among them. The Macedonian manner of cleansing the army was like this. They cut a dog in two and laid the one half on the one side and the other on the other of the field where the army was to come. The army was to pass solemnly in procession between the parts. As the army passed, Perdiccas had some 300 soldiers thrown among the elephants to be trampled to death. These had followed Meleager when at the first assembly of the Macedonians after the death of Alexander, he arose and in a rebellous manner left them. All this was done in the plain sight of the army and in the presence of Aridaeus. Meleager had Aridaeus wrapped in purple clothes like a child and put on the royal throne. (Plutarch l. 2. de fortuna Alexandri) Meleager did not move for the present because no violence threatened him. However when he saw they were after his life, he fled to a temple and was there taken and slain. (Justin. l. 13. c. 4. Curt. l. 10. c. 12. Arrian. in Photius.)

2372. Diodorus (l. 2. year 4. Olymp. 18.) affirms that Alexander made his last will and testament and left it to be kept at Rhodes. Ammia, (Marcellinus, l. 23.) seems to say that in his will he wanted to leave all in the hands and power of one man. Curtius states:

``Some have the opinion that a distribution of the provinces was made by Alexander in his last will and testament. However, we have found that this was but an idle report although stated by various writers.'' (l. 10. c. 13.)

2373. Nevertheless, the writer of the first book of Maccabees seems to be of the first opinion as reported and believed by so many writers. They say that Alexander in his own lifetime, divided his kingdom among his most illustrious and noble officers. The chronologer of Alexandria (from whom, those barbarous and broken Latin fragments published by Scaliger, p. 58, 59. are taken) affirms that the division of the provinces, which Justin (l. 13. c. 4. Curt. l. 10. c. 13. Arrian in Phitii Biblioth. c. 92. Dexeippus ibid. c. 82.) and other writers report to have been made by Perdiccas. This was based on his will and was in this manner.

2374. In Europe all Thrace with the Chersonese and other nations bordering upon Thrace as far as Salmydessus, a city standing upon the Euxin Sea, was committed to Bysimachus, the son of Agathocles, a Pellaean. The region which lay beyond Thrace belonging to the Illyrians, Triballi, Agrians, Macedon and Epirus, stretching as far as the Ceraunian mountains with all Greece, was assigned to Antipater and Craterus. This was the division of Europe.

2375. In Africa, all Egypt and whatever else Alexander had captured in Cyrene or Libya with all that part of Arabia which borders on Egypt, was allotted to Ptolemy, the son of Lagus. Pausanias in his Attica says he was by those of Rhodes honoured with the surname of a Deliverer. The truth is that the Macedonians always believed that Ptolemy was a bastard son of Philip, Alexander's father. For his mother Arsinoe was pregnant by Philip and was cast off by him and she married a poor fellow of Macedon called Lagus. Thereupon it was that when after a while, (as Plutarch in a discourse of his, "De ira cohibenda", i.e. "Of suppressing a man's anger", says that Ptolemy to mock a poor school-master, would needs ask him:

``who was Peleius' father?''

2376. he asked him again,

``and I pray sir, who was Lagus' father?''

2377. He intimating by this the baseness of his birth on the father's side. (Curt. l. 9. c. 1., Pausanias in his Attica. p. 5. in the Greek edition of his at Fraeford, & Suidus on the word Lagus.)

2378. Cleomenes, who was left by Alexander, to gather up the tributes and other incomes of those parts, was ordered to turn over that province to Ptolemy and to hold his office as under him. Ptolemy entered that province shortly after the death of Alexander and died about 40 years later. Hence it is that Lucian, in his discourse of long lived men and in the fragments of Eusebius, published by Scaliger, (p. 49. and Porphyrie, ibid, p. 225. and Clemens Alexan. Stromat. 1. and Euseb. in Chron. and Epiphanius in his books of weights and measures) and others say that he reigned 40 years in Egypt. After him, his posterity down to Cleopatra held that kingdom under the title and name of Ptolemy.

2379. In the Asia Minor, Eumenes Cardianus was assigned all Cappadocia, Paphlagonia, and all the regions lying upon the Euxin Sea as far as Trapezond, a colony of the Sinopenses. Alexander did not subdue these people because he was involved in a major war against Darius. Eumenes Cardianus was ordered to make war on Ariarathes who only of these peoples resisted Alexander. Antigonus was made governor of Pamphylia, Lycia, Lycaonia, and Phrygia the Great. The lesser Phrygia, which lies on the Hellespont, was committed to Leonatus. The government of Lydia, both the inland country and the parts on the sea coast taking in Eolia and Ionia, was given to Maenander. He had it formerly by grant from Alexander. (Arrian, l. 3. p. 56.) The name of Meleager, is miswritten by Diodorus. Caria was given to Cassander the son of Antipater and Cilicia and Isauria, to Philotas.

2380. In the upper and greater Asia, all Syria and Phoenicia was committed to Laomedon, a Mitylenaean. The petty kings of the isle of Cyprus ruled as it had been granted to them by Alexander. Neoptolemus was set over Armenia, Arcesilaus over Mesopotamia and governor over the province of Babylon. Atropates, father-in-law to Perdiccas, was left governor of Media by Alexander himself. In this division, Justin (l. 13. c. 4.) and Orosius (l. 3. c. 23.) say that Atropates was made governor of Media the greater and Perdiccas' father-in-law of the lesser. He forgot that Atropates and Perdiccas' father-in-law were the same person. When Antipater had later better considered the matter, he made a second distribution in Triparadiso. He acknowledges that Media was assigned to Pithon. (l. 15. p. 660.) Nor is it likely that the son-in-law would in anyway diminish the authority of his father. The rule and government of the nearer Bactria and Sogdiana was put into the hands of Philippus. Oropius was joined with him in the government of Sogdiana. Dexippus says that after Orpius had received that kingdom of Alexander's bounty, he was put from it again for treason. The government of Persia, Pencestes of Hircania and Parthia, (for they went together, as Strabo, l. 11. p. 514 states) was given to Phrataphernes. In Carmania, Tlepolemeus, in the further Bactria and Parapamisus, the government was given to Olyartes or Oxathres, the father of Roxane, Alexander's wife. In Aria and Drangiana, bordering on Taurus, the government was given to Stasanor of Solos. In the provinces of Susa, Scynus, Arachosia, Gedrosia, and Sibyrtius continued with the governors that Alexander had assigned. All the coast of India from Paropamisus and from the place where the Acesines and Indus meet, down to the ocean, was given to Pithon the son of Agenor. The Oxydracans and Mallians was given to Eudemus or Eudemon, the commander of the Thracian companies. The rest of India was given to king Porus, Taxiles and to the son of Abisarus. These ruled the same territories Alexander had assigned to them.

2381. When this division was made, every man had his share as if it were allotted to him from heaven. They used the opportunity to increase their power and their pleasure. For not long after, they behaved more like kings than governors. They added to their kingdom and left it to their posterity. (Justin. l. 13. c. 4.) Immediately upon the death of Alexander, that vast empire and name of the Macedonians was divided into several kingdoms. (Livius l. 45.) However, no man assumed the title of a king as long as any of Alexander's children lived because of the great respect they had for him. Although they had the power of a king, they willingly refrained from using the title as long as Alexander had a lawful heir from his body living to succeed him. (Justin. l. 15. c. 2,) All of this was foretold long before by the Holy Ghost. Da 11:4.

3681d AM, 4391 JP, 323 BC

2382. Concerning the instructions given by Alexander to Craterus, Perdiccas referred the consideration of them to the general assembly of the Macedonians. Although they did not disapprove of them, yet because they were exceedingly grand and difficult to do, they ordered by a general consent that none of them should be done. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 114.)

2383. The old Greek soldiers whom Alexander had left in garrisons and colonies in the upper Asia and various provinces became homesick and desired to see their native country. For they saw themselves as it were ejected and cast out into a far remote corner of the world. Therefore they joined together and revolted from the Macedonian state. They chose Philo an Enian, to head up this conspiracy. They assembled 20,000 foot soldiers and 3000 cavalry, all of them were old proven and expert soldiers. Against these, Perdiccas sent Pithon who had been one of the captains of the bodyguard of Alexander. He was a man of a high spirit and well versed in the art of war. He had 3000 Macedonian foot soldiers and 800 cavalry who were chosen by lot. He went with letters and instructions to the governors in all those parts, to furnish him with an additional 10,000 foot soldiers and 8000 cavalry. Pithon planned to win over to him by all possible means those old Greeks. He hoped that with their help and his forces, he might be the better able to establish himself and subdue all those upper provinces. When Perdiccas perceived this he tried to thwart his plan. He ordered Pithon that when he had overcome those rebels, he was to kill them all and divide their spoil among his soldiers. However Pithon had obtained secret information with Lipodorus, who commanded a rebel brigade of 3000 men. He defeated the rebels and did not kill them. He gave them permission to return to their own places. However the rest of the Macedonians remembered the order Perdiccas gave them and killed every one of them and shared their spoil. So Pithon failed in his scheme and returned with his Macedonians to Perdiccas. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 114. & Prolog. Trogi, l. 13.)

2384. When Ptolemy had quietly taken possession of Egypt, he acted fairly in all things toward the people of the land. He used 8000 talents to hire a mercenary army and pay those who came to him when they saw how fairly he administered Egypt. When he was told that Perdiccas planned to take over Egypt, he leagued himself firmly with Antipater. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 114.) By favours and good deeds he made the neighbouring kings and princes loyal to him. (Justin l. 13. c. 16.) When he found that Cleomenes, whom Perdiccas had given to him for a lieutenant, was a spy, he cut his throat and placed strong garrisons of his own all over Egypt. (Pausan. in Attic. p. 5. in the Greek and Latin edition.)

3682a AM, 4391 JP, 323 BC

2385. Leonatus and Antigonus were commanded to use force to make Eumenes governor of Cappadocia and Paphlaginia. However Antigonus, was proud and wanted the position for himself and refused to obey Perdiccas' command. In contrast Leonatus came down with his army from the upper provinces and promised Eumenes to help him. Nevertheless when Hecataeus, tyrant of the Cadians, came to Leonatus, he advised him rather for the present time to go and help Antipater and relieve the Macedonians who were besieged in Lamia. Leonatus resolved to sail to Macedonia. He wanted Eumenes to go with him and planned to fight with Hecataeus. When Eumenes would not go and alleged that he feared Antipater, Leonatus believed him and kept nothing from him. When he could not win him over he planned secretly to murder Eumenes. Eumenes found out about this and escaped by night with his carriages. He had with him only 300 cavalry, 200 of his bodyguard and 5000 talents in gold, after the rate of silver. When he came to Perdiccas, he told him all Leonatus' plans. Thereupon Perdiccas took him in for a loyal friend and vouched for him in the council. (Plut. and Emil. Pro. in Eumene.)

2386. When Leonatus came to help Antipater, he was killed in a fight by the Greeks. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 114. Justin, l. 13. c. 5. Plutarch in Phocion, Arrian in Photius.)

2387. When Thimbron captured Harpalus in Crete in a battle, he killed him. Harpalus had fled there from Asia and carried all the king's money with him. Thimbron got all the treasure, his army and fleet. He left Cydonia, a city in Crete, and with 6000 men or (as Diodorus has it) 7000 and sailed to the country of Cyrene. He was invited there by the exciles of the Cyrenians and the Barcenses, (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 114, Arrian in Photius, Strabo, l. 17. c. 837.)

2388. In a battle against the Cyrenians, Thimbron slaughtered them and took many prisoners. He then seized their port and prepared to take the city itself. He agreed to peace if they would pay him 5000 talents of coined money and give him half their chariots equipped for service. He sent ambassadors to the other neighbouring cities to join with him, pretending that he would make war on Libya and subdue it. Moreover he laid hold on all the merchants' goods that were in the port and gave them to the soldiers to scramble for. By this he made them more eager to follow him. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 114.)

2389. Mnasicles, a man of Crete and one of Thimbron's captains had a fiery disposition. He defected from Thimbron to the Cyrenians. By showing Thimbron's cruelty and unfaithfulness, he persuaded them to break their covenant with him and to fight for their former freedom. Thereupon, when they had payed only 600 of the 5000 talents, they would pay no more. Thimbron planned to destroy them and seized 800 of their men whom he found in the port. He came with his own men, the Barcenses and Hesperitans, before the walls of the city. They did what they could to take it but failed and retired to the port. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 114.)

2390. The Cyrenians left sufficient troops to keep the town and went with the rest foraging into the neighbouring parts. When these sent to Thimbron for help, he presently went with all the troops that he could take to relieve them against the Cyrenians. When Mnasicles saw that there were few or no soldiers left in the port, he had those who were left in the city, to sally out and attack the port. Those of the city were easily persuaded to do this and followed him and attacked the port. Because Thimbron and most of his men were not there, they easily took it. Any goods as they there found there that belonged to the merchants, were faithfully restored to the owners. Mnasicles started to fortify the port against Thimbron in case he should return. Things went badly on Thimbron's side. For he had not only lost the port but with it all his provisions that were in it. However when he captured another town called Taricha, he raised his hopes again. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 114.)

2391. Thimbron's mariners and sea soldiers were expelled from the port. They had no food and were forced to plunder the country for it. They were daily forced to do this. At last the men of the country found out their camps and laid wait for them. They slaughtered many and took as many prisoners as they had killed. They that survived, escaped to their ships and sailed toward other confederate places. On their way, there arose a violent storm which sunk many of the ships. Of those who escaped, some were driven ashore in Egypt and some in the Isle of Cyprus. Those who had encouraged the Cyrenians now fought against Thimbron and killed many of his men. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 114.)

2392. Craterus departed from Cilicia with 6000 of those old soldiers who first came with Alexander into Asia. On the way he got 4000 troops besides 1000 Persian archers and slingers and 1500 cavalry. He hurried to the help Antipater and came into Thessaly. He yielded authority to Antipater and they both camped on the bank of the Peneus River. In the month of Munichion (our April), they fought a battle with the Greeks and defeated them. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 114. with Arrian. and Plut. in the lives of Phocion and Demosthenes.)

2393. After Jaddus, his son Onias succeeded him in the priesthood at Jerusalem (Joseph. Antiq. l. 11. c. 8. s. 7) and there held the position for 21 years. (Scalig. in Grec. Eusebius, p. 50.)

2394. Thimbron had hired new soldiers from Taenarus in Laconia. These soldiers wandered around Laconia and were out of pay. He started a new war with the Cyrenians. They asked help from the Africans and Carthaginians. Together they assembled an army of 30,000 men. After a long and bloody battle, they lost many men and Thimbron won. The Cyrenians lost all their own commanders and made Mnasicles their general. Thimbron grew proud of this victory and attacked and captured the port of Cyrene. Every day he assaulted the city. As the siege continued and with shortages of provisions, the Cyrenians began to fight among themselves. The common people carried the day and expelled the rich from the city. Some of those who were expelled defected to Thimbron and others went into Egypt. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 114.)

2395. Those who fled into Egypt asked Ptolemy to restore them to their country. With his help, they returned with an army and naval forces under the command of Ophellas a Macedonian. When those who had defected to Thimbron heard this, they prepared to defect to Ophellas. When Thimbron heard of their intentions, he executed them. When the leaders of the common people of Cyrene were frightened by the return of their exiles, they made peace with Thimbron and joined with him. In a main battle they were all utterly vanquished by Ophellas. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 114.)

2396. In his escape, Thimbron was attacked by some African Carters, who took and carried him to Epicides. He held the town of Teuchira in those regions under Ophellas. The men of that place, with Ophellas' permission, first scourged him with whips and then sent him to be crucified at the port of Cyrene. Since many of the Cyrenians still continued fighting among themselves, Ptolemy made a journey there by sea. When he had settled all matters there, he returned by sea the same way he went. (Arrian, in Phot. Biblio.)

2397. When Perdiccas had Philip and the royal army at his command, he went against Ariarathes, the petty king of Cappadocia. He had not accepted Eumenes as governor there as he was ordered to. At that time, Ariarathes gathered a large army of 30,000 foot soldiers and 15,000 cavalry. In two battles, Peridiccas killed 4000 men and took 6000 prisoners including Ariarathes himself. He first tortured him and all that were allied to him and then crucified them. He pardoned the rest. When he had settled all matters in Cappadocia, he committed the government of it to Eumenes, according to the first establishment. (Diod. Sic. with Arrian. and Plut. in Eumene, and Appian in his Mithridatica, p. 175.)

2398. Eumenes committed the various cities of his government to his most trusty friends and gave them garrisons. Without imposing on Perdiccas, he appointed judges and tax collectors as he saw fit. When this was done, he returned with Perdiccas out of respect to him and so that he might not be a stranger at court. (Plut.)

2399. Perdiccas and King Philip left Cappadocia and went into Pisidia. They planned to destroy two cities, one of the Larandaeans, the other of the Isaurians. In Alexander's lifetime, these cities had slain Balacrus the son of Nicanor whom he had placed over them. They took Laranda on the first assault and killed all that were of age and sold the rest for slaves. They laid the city level with the ground. When those of Isaurus saw they were besieged, they set the city on fire planning to kill themselves and destroy the city. However the soldiers, to whom Perdiccas had given the spoil of the city, quenched the fire and found a large accumulation of silver and gold there. (Diod. Sic. year. 2. Olymp. 114.) Justin says that this was done by the Cappadocians when they saw Ariarathes taken. (l. 13. c. 6.) Orosius says the same. (l. 3. c. ult.)

2400. Jollas, the son of Antipater and Archias came to Perdiccas from Macedon. He brought them Nicaea, Antipater's daughter to be his wife. Long before this when his affairs were more unsettled, Perdiccas had betrothed her hoping to secure Antipater's loyalty. Now that he had gotten the royal army and administration of the kingdom quietly into his hands, he planned to marry Cleopatra, daughter of Philip, the father of Alexander and Alexander's sister. Eumenes urged him to marry Nicaea so that he might the more easily have a supply of the Macedonian youth and that he might not have Antipater for an opponent in his undertakings. Therefore he married Nicaea when she came. He did this mainly by the advise his brother Alcetes. (Diod. Sic. and Arrian. with Justin, l. 13. c. 6.)

2401. Cinna was another daughter of Philip's, and sister of Alexander but not by the same mother and brought her daughter Adea. She was called later Euridice and was to be married to Philippus Aridaeus. However Perdiccas and his brother Alcetes had her taken care of. Thereupon the Macedonians became enraged and Perdiccas to quiet them, was forced to give her mother in marriage to Arideus. (Arrian. in Photius.) There she is named, not Cynna, but Cynane. Yet in the same Arrian, (l. 1. deeds of Alex. p. 5.) she is called Cyna. Diodorus (year 1. Olymp. 116.) and Athena. (l. 13. c. 2.) call her Cynna.

2402. Perdiccas sent away Eumenes from Cilicia, under the pretence of taking care of his own government in Cappadocia. His real reason was that he might have control of the government of Armenia. Neoptolemus planned to make some changes there. However, Eumenes by flattery prevailed so much with him that although he was of an high and an intemperate spirit, Eumenes kept him in control. (Plut. in Eumen.)

2403. When Eumenes found that the Macedonian squadron had grown insolent and hostile, he raised an army of cavalry from the provinces in those parts. He remitted to them all payment of tribute and granted them other immunities. He furnished cavalry to those whom he most trusted and put them under his command. He encouraged their loyalty to him with his generousity and bounteous favours he bestowed on them. He kept them in shape by continual labours and journeys which he had them do. In a short time he had 6360 cavalry troops. (Plut. in Eumen)

3683a AM, 4392 JP, 322 BC

2404. Antipater and Craterus in Greece made war on the Aetolians. When Craterus' old soldiers were compelled by continual battles to lie abroad in the snow in the winter, they were ready to perish for want of supplies. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 116.)

2405. Eumenes carried Perdiccas' presents to Cleopatra at Sardis. Perdiccas was now resolved to rid get rid of Nicaea, Antipater's daughter and to take Cleopatra to be his wife. Menander, the governor of Lydia told this to Antigonus, who was an intimate friend of Antipater. (Arrian) Perdiccas daily made false charges against Antigonus and tried to have him unjustly executed. Antigonus let on that he was coming to the hearing but secretly sailed in an Athenian ship with his son Demetrius and some other of his friends. They fled to Europe and there joined with Antipater. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 116.)

3683 AM, 4393 JP, 321 BC

2406. Aristander, a soothsayer of Telmessa proclaimed that it was revealed to him by the gods that the land where Alexander's body should rest would be the most happy of all others and forever free from all foreign invasions. Hence there was much strife among the leaders of Macedon about who should get the body. The main disagreement was between Perdiccas and Ptolemy the son of Lagus. (Elian. l. 12. c. 64.) Perdiccas arranged with his friends to have it carried to Eugos. (Pausan. in his Attica, p. 5.)

2407. However, Aridaeus who had custody of the body, crossed Perdiccas and carried it to Ptolemy as he was journeying from Babylon by Damascus to Egypt. And although he met with many impediments from Polemon, a good friend of Perdiccas, yet he carried it into Egypt as he planned to. (Arrian. in Phot.)

2408. He spent two full years in preparations for this funeral and its magnificence is recorded in detail by Diodorus. Finally, he moved the body from Babylon with a very large number of workmen to open and level the ways where needed. Many others attended the funeral and followed him. Ptolemy with his whole army, went as far as into Syria to meet him. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 114.) He took the corpse and buried it first at Memphis with all rites and ceremonies after the Macedonian custom. (Pausan. in his Attica. p. 5.) A few years later, it was moved to Alexandria, (Curt. l. 10. c. ult.) by his son Ptolemy Philadelphus and not by the father, (as Pausanias intimates in his Attica, p. 5. of which, see more in Strabo, l. 17. p. 794.)

2409. Perdiccas called a council of captains and friends in Cappadocia and asked them whether he should march with his army first into Macedon against Antipater or into Egypt against Ptolemy. Some were of the opinion to go first into Macedonia but it was resolved that it was best to begin with Ptolemy in Egypt. Otherwise when Perdiccas was engaged in Europe, Ptolemy might come and take over Asia. Therefore Perdiccas gave to Eumenes, in addition to what he had already, the provinces of Caria, Lycia and Phrygia with the government of all that part of Asia which lies between the mountain of Taurus and the Hellespont. Eumenes was ordered to take charge of all the garrisons in Cappadocia and Armenia. He was to use them to check the actions of Antipater and Craterus, to fortify all places upon the Hellespont and to prevent their landing in case they pass through the sea in those parts. Moreover Perdiccas ordered his brother Alceres and Neoptolemus that they obey Eumenes in all things. He wanted Eumenes to do things as he would think best for the present using his discretion. Cilicia was taken from Philotas and committed to Philoxenus. Perdiccas left Damasens to better conceal his actions. He took Aridaeus and Alexander the son of Alexander the great by Roxane along with him. He marched toward Egypt to fight with Ptolemy. (Diod. Sic. Justin. l. 13. c. 6. Arrian. Plut. Emil. Probus, in Eumene, Pausan. in his Attica. c. 5.)

2410. Antipater and Craterus were told by Antigonus that Perdiccas had married Cleopatra and planned to invade Macedon and set himself up as absolute king to remove them from their governments. They made peace with the Eolians and left Polysperchon to manage all matters in Greece and Macedon. They hurried into the Hellespont on the Asian side and kept those who were appointed to keep that passage busy by sending daily embassies to them. They also sent ambassadors to Ptolemy who was otherwise a deadly enemy to Perdiccas as they were also. They desired him to join with them. They also sent to Eumenes and Neoptolemus both who were at that time in good standing with Perdiccas. They had Neoptolemus defect from Perdiccas and join them but could not win over Eumenes. (Diod. Sic. Justin, ut sup. and Arrian.)

2411. Alcetes, Perdiccas' brother, flatly refused to bear arms against Antipater and Craterus. Neoptolemus envied the power of Eumenes, and secretly joined with them but also plotted to kill Eumenes and betray all his army into their hands. When Eumenes discovered this, he was forced to fight it out with the traitor in a battle. He made a great slaughter of Neoptolemus' men, took all his baggage and won over the rest of his troops to his side. Eumenes became stronger with the addition of so many good Macedonian soldiers to his former army. Neoptolemus escaped with 300 cavalry only and fled to Antipater and Craterus. They again sent ambassadors to Eumenes to win him over and promised that he should not only hold what he had but also have more provinces given to him. When he replied that he would rather loose his life than break his word to Perdiccas, they divided their army in two. Antipater marched with one into Cilicia from there to Egypt to join forces with Ptolemy against Perdiccas. The other stayed behind with Craterus to fight with Eumenes.

2412. When Eumenes saw the enemy coming on, he feared least his soldiers, knowing against whom he was to fight with would not go with him but disband and flee from him. Therefore he led them about by an unfamiliar way where they might not easily hear how the matters went. There was already rumours buzzing among them, that Neoptolemus was recruited and he came on together with Pigris with an army of Cappadocian and Paphlagonian cavalry. Eumenes arranged it by carefully choosing his ground everywhere he went so that he could force the enemy to fight with the cavalry and not foot soldiers. Eumenes had a much stronger cavalry and was weaker than the enemy in foot soldiers. He had 20,000 foot soldiers from various nations and some 5000 cavalry. He trusted the latter to carry the day. Craterus had a little more than 2000 cavalry and as many foot soldiers as Eumenes. However, his soldiers were all old veteran Macedonians who had proved their valour and he trusted that they would secure the victory for him.

2413. These met in Cappadocia. Craterus had the right wing and Neoptolemus the left. Eumenes put none of his Macedonians to fight against Craterus but only two regiments of foreign cavalry led by Pharnabazus, the son of Arabazus and by Tenedius of Phoenicia. He wanted them without any shouting or words to attack the enemy quickly. Eumenes, with a company of 300 cavalry attacked like lightening on Neoptolemus. Craterus acted very bravely and valiantly. However his horse stumbled and a certain Thracian, or rather an Arrian, a Paphlagonian, put a lance through his side and knocked him to the ground. In the fall, one of Eumenes' captains recognised him and did what he could to save him. However he died from his wound. Meanwhile, Eumenes and Neoptolemus met and fought with each other. Both got off their horses to the ground so that each man might easily see with how deadly a hatred they encountered each other and that their spirits were more hostile than their bodies could be. Eumenes wounded Neoptolemus in one of his hamstring muscles. Although his hamstrings were cut and he fell, yet his courage bore him up and he raised himself up on his knees. He continued fighting and gave Eumenes three wounds, one in his arm and the other two in his thigh. None of them was mortal. After the second blow, Eumenes made a full blow at him and struck off his head. This was about ten days after the former victory which he had over him. (Diod. Sic. Justin, ut sup. and Arrian.)

2414. When Eumenes saw Craterus brought half dead from the battle, he did what he possibly could to save his life. When he died, he wept bitterly over him and with outstretched arms lamented his fate. He had held a high position and the two liked each other very much. He gave him an honourable burial and sent his bones home into Macedon to his wife and children. (Plut. and Emil. Pro. in Eumene.)

2415. Both the leaders were slain and many others especially of the better troops were taken prisoner. The rest of the cavalry fled back to the main squadron of the foot soldiers as to a more sure defence. Eumenes was content with what he had done, sounded a retreat and set up a monument on the place and buried his dead. The enemy foot soldiers were trapped and could not escape without Eumenes' permission and desired peace. They swore oaths of loyalty to him and had permission to buy food in the adjoining places. However, as soon as they had gotten food and recovered their strength, they broke their oath and returned to Antipater. (Diod. with Arrian. and Emil. Probus.)

2416. Perdiccas, with the two kings, Aridaens, and the young child Alexander came with his army into Egypt and camped near Pelusium. While he was busy in clearing an old ditch, an extraordinary flood of the Nile destroyed all his works. Although Ptolemy had cleared himself to the world of all those crimes which Perdiccas charged him with and the army was not enthused but this campaign, Perdiccas was determined to make a war on him. (Diod. Sic. and Arrian.)

2417. When Perdiccas at last saw that many of his friends abandoned him and fled over to Ptolemy, he assembled all his commanders and captains. He tried to win them over with gifts, generous promises, fair words and his good behaviour toward them. Then moving his camp without any noise, in the night and camped on the bank of the Nile River not for from a certain citadel called Murus Camelorum, i.e. a Wall of Camels. At day break, he crossed the river with his army and elephants and attacked the citadel but was valiantly repulsed by Ptolemy and gladly retreated into his camp again. The next night, he moved as quietly as possible and came to a place opposite Memphis. Here the river parted and made an island suitable to camp on. In crossing the river to the island he lost more than 2000 men. At least 1000 who were for a long time tossed up and down in the water, were devoured by the crocodiles and other large animals in the river. Ptolemy took these bodies as were cast ashore on his side of the river and gave them a proper funeral. He sent their bones to their friends and kinsmen in the army. Thereupon, the minds of the soldiers grew much more enraged against Perdiccas, and were more inclined to Ptolemy than ever before. (Diod. Sic.)

2418. Then arose a rebellion in the camp in which about 100 of the chief commanders including Pithon defected from Perdiccas. Pithon was a very brave man and noted for his virtue and valour. He was held in high esteem among all Alexander's friends. Some of the cavalry conspired secretly together and went to Perdiccas' pavilion and killed him. He had now held that government 3 full years, at least, the third year running. (Diod. Sic. with Arrian and Justin. l. 13. c. 8. Pausan. in Attic. p. 5. and Emil. Prob. in Eumenes.)

2419. The next day when the whole army was called together, Ptolemy crossed the river and came to the two kings. He presented both them and other of the nobles with expensive gifts and behaved himself fairly and in a humble manner to them all. When he had excused himself for what he had done, he found that the army was destitute of provisions. He supplied them with plenty of grain and all other necessities. He made it publicly to appear that he was heartily sorry and bemoaned the present state and condition of Perdiccas' friends. If he saw any Macedonian in any distress or danger, he did what he possibly could to relieve and help him. By so gracious behaviour, he might easily have gotten to be the guardian of the two kings, as Perdiccas had been. Yet he persuaded them to make Pithon and Aridaeus the guardians of the two kings, Aridaeus and the young child, Alexander. This they all agreed to. Pithon was the man that had formerly quieted the disturbances of the Greeks in upper Asia. Aridaeus had formerly the duty of convoying the body of Alexander from Babylon. They had supreme power over all the armies as Perdiccas had, according to the first establishment. (Diod. Sic & Arrian.)

2420. Two days after the death of Perdiccas, news arrived of Eumenes' victory in Cappadocia and of the death of Neoptolemus and Craterus. If this had come 2 days earlier, it would have no doubt saved Perdiccas' life. For who, after that success, would have dared stirred against him? The Macedonians were enraged for the death of Craterus and declared Eumenes a public enemy along with 50 of his friends. Pitho Illyrius, (for so I read them, in Justin, as also in Arrian's Indica, p. 185. Pithon, the son of Craterus, of Alcomene; which in Stephanus' de Urbibus, is a city in Illyria) and Alcetas the brother of Perdiccas were on the list. The generals who were against them were Antigonus and Antipater. For this purpose was Antigonus sent for from Cyprus and commanded together with Antipater to come to the two kings in all haste. (Diod. Sic. and Arrian. with Just. l. 13. c. 8. and Plut. in Eumene.)

2421. In Egypt all that had any association with Perdiccas were executed including his sister Atalanta whom Attalus the admiral of Perdiccas with the fleet at Pelusium, had married. When he heard of the death of his wife and of Perdiccas, he weighed anchor and sailed to Tyre. Archelaus a Macedonian and governor of the place entertained him with all respect and love. He surrendered the city and gave the 800 talents which Perdiccas had deposited there to him.

2422. Attalus stayed at Tyre and received and helped all of Perdiccas' friends who escaped from the camp at Memphis. (Diod. Sic.)

2423. Euridice, the wife of King Aridaeus, did not want the two guardians to make any important decisions without her. First they declined to do this. Later they told her plainly that she had nothing to do with matters of state and they would have care of her only until Antigonus and Antipater came. (Arrian.)

2424. Pithon and Aridaeus, the two guardians left the Nile River with the two kings and the army and came to Triparadisus in upper Syria. Euridice was meddling in matters of state and would many times cross the guardians. Pithon was offended by this all the more when he saw the Macedonians were inclined to obey her commands. He called the Macedonians together and before them all resigned his guardianship. Thereupon they chose Antipater to be the guardian in his place with all the sovereign power going with it. (Diod.)

2425. The army now demanded of Antipater all those rewards for their long labour in the wars which Alexander had made them serve in. When Antipater had nothing to give them at that time, he told them that their demands were just and reasonable and that he would shortly look into the king's treasure and find out whatever he had laid up. This speech gave the army little satisfaction. Thereupon when Euridice also helped forment discontent with him, the minds of the common soldiers were stirred up to rebel against him. At the same time Euridice made a public declamation against him. It was read by Asclepiodorus, her secretary, to the people. Attalus agreed and made a speech of his own. So that Antipater barely escaped alive out of their hands. However, Antigonus and Seleucus stood up in his defence and by this risked their own lives also.

2426. Therefore when Antipater had escaped to his own army, the chief commanders of the cavalry came together. After much adieu, they pacified the multitude and so Antipater was sent for again and asked to resume the sovereign power and use it as formerly he had done. (Diod.)

2427. After this, Antipater made a new distribution of the governments of the provinces in Triparadisus. He partly ratified what had formerly been done in that region and made some alterations as required. He left Ptolemy what he had, for it was hard to remove him to any other government since he was firmly entrenched in Egypt. Mesopotamia and the country of Arbela were assigned to Amphimachus, the king's brother. Babylon went to Seleucus, Parthia to Philippuis, Aria and Drangiana to Atasander of Cyprus. Bactria and Sogdiana went to Stasanor of Solos from the same land. Media, as far as to the Caspian Gates, was taken from Atropates, the son-in-law of the deceased Perdiccas and given to Pithon the son of Crateas or Cratenas. Thereupon Atropates, called the lesser Media from his own name Atroperia and revolted from the Macedonian government and made himself absolute king of it. His posterity held it down until the time of Strabo. (Strabo. l. 11. p. 523.) Antigenes, (for whom Antigonus is incorrectly written in Diodorus) captain of the silver targeteers was given the province of Susa because he was the first that went against Perdiccas. 3000 of the most active Macedonians in the recent sedition were given to him. The rest of the provinces of the upper Asia were left in the hands of such as had them before except for Patala. It was the greatest city of all India and was by this settlement assigned to King Porus, according Arrian. This we can hardly believe.

2428. In the lesser Asia, Cappadocia and Paphlagonia were taken from Eumenes and given to Nicanor. Lydia, (not Lycia as it is read in Diodorus) was given to Clytus. Phrygia the lesser as far as to Hellespont, went to Aridaeus. Caria with Phrygia the Greater, Lycaonia, Pamphylia, and Lycia, went to Cassander to govern as he did before. In Diodorus, it is written Cilicia instead of Lycia. A little before this he says Cilicia was given to Philoxenus. More correctly as Arrian has it, the province was confirmed to him. For I showed a little before from (Justin. l. 13. c. 6.) that Perdiccas had taken that province from Philotas and given it to Philoxenus.

2429. Antigonus was nick-named, the cyclops because he had only one eye. (Elian. l. 12. Var. Hist. c. 14.) Antipater made him general of the king's army and commander of those forces in particular which Perdiccas had. He committed to him also the care of the two kings and sent him to make war on Eumenes which he was anxious to do. Based on this, Appianus (in his Syriaca, p. 121.) says that Antipater made him overseer of all Asia. Diodorus (l. 18. p. 626.) calls him absolute commander of all Asia but joined with him his own son Cassander, the governor of Caria, as his general of the cavalry. He did this so that if Antigonus should go about to establish himself, he might have someone to keep an eye on him. (Diod. Sic. & Arrian.)

2430. At the same time Antipater made Autolychus, the son of Agathocles, Amyntas, the son of Alexander and brother to Pencesta, Ptolemy the son of Ptolemy and Alexander the son of Polyspercon, captains of the bodyguard to the two kings. (Arrian.) He received great applause among all the men for his well ordering and due administration of things in his guardianship. Then he journeyed with the two kings to Macedon. (Arian. & Diod.)

2431. When Eumenes heard that he was declared an enemy by the Macedonians and that Antigonus was sent against him, he voluntarily declared the matter to the army. He feared least perhaps the news of it coming otherwise to them might make matters worse than they were or the surprise of it would dampen their courage. At least by this he would find how his army took the news and their attitude toward him. He told them plainly that if any one was afraid because of this news, he was free to leave and go wherever he wished. With these words he so won and secured the loyalty of the men to him that they all bade him be of good cheer. They said that they would cut that decree of the Macedonians in pieces with their swords. (Justin. l. 14. c. 1.)

2432. Moreover when news of that decree came to Alcetas the brother of Perdiccas, he fled and ingratiated himself with the Pisidians. For while he was among them, whenever he got plunder from the enemy, he gave them half of it. He was always friendly and courteous to them in his speech. He often invited the principal men of them to feasts and honoured them with gifts and presents,. By this he won their hearts to him. (Diod. Sic. p. 623.)

2433. Attalus, who was the chief admiral of the navy and who was with the first of them that defected from Antipater, fled and banded himself with the rest of the exiles. He got together an army of 10,000 foot soldiers and 800 cavalry. With these troops he went to capture Cnidus, Caunus, and Rhodes. However Demaratus the admiral of Rhodes valiantly held him off. (Arrian.)

3684 AM, 4394 JP, 320 BC

2434. Eumenes took as many horses as he wanted from the king's herd which was on Mount Ida: When he sent an account of them in writing to the king's officers of the revenue, Antipater laughed at it. He said that he wondered to see Eumenes so cautious as to think that either he himself would ever be accountable to them of the king's goods or look for an accounting of them from others.

2435. From there he marched with his army. He did not go into Etolia, as it is in the printed copies of Justin but as a manuscript copy has it, into Etulia or Etulane. This is a part of Armenia the lesser in Cappadocia. (This is according to Isaacus Vossius, a most learned young man and my very good friend, who observed this from Ptolemy.) Here he levied money of the cities in those parts. If any refused to pay their contribution, he plundered them as though they were enemies. From there again, he went to Sardis and to Cleopatra, the sister to Alexander the Great. He hoped that by her presence as royalty by his side, it would strengthen the loyalty of the officers of his army to him. (Justin. l. 14. c. 1.) When it happened that Antipater also took Sardis on his way to Macedon, Eumenes was planning to fight in the fields of Lydia. He was the stronger in the cavalry and he was desirous to let Cleopatra see of what metal he was made. However Cleopatra feared lest Antipater and the Macedonians might charge her with being the author of this war against them and persuaded Eumenes to leave Sardis. (Plutarch & Arrian.) Nevertheless when Antipater came, he rebuked her for having any association with Eumenes and Perdiccas. She stood her ground and defended her actions and blamed Antipater for this state of things. Finally, they parted on good terms with each other. (Arrian.)

2436. Therefore Eumenes left the country of Lydia and marched away into upper Phrygia. He made his winter quarters in Celaene (Plut.) and sent to Alcetas and his associates. He advised them to assemble their forces into one body and to make a united attack on a common enemy. When they could not agree among themselves, nothing was done. (Arrian.) Alcetas and Polemon and Docimus could not agree about who should be the leader. Thereupon Eumenes noted the old proverb and said: "There is no fence against destruction." (Plutarch.)

2437. Eumenes promised to pay his army within three days and sold all the towns and cities of that country which was filled with men and cattle. Thereupon the captains and commanders took them off his hands and received battering rams from him. They went and entered by force into the towns and sold all and fully paid each man. (Plutarch.)

2438. Antipater did not dare fight with Eumenes yet. He sent Cassander to fight with Alcetas and Attalus. They fought and departed on equal terms but Cassander had the worse of the battle. (Arrian.)

2439. Cassander became unfriendly to Antigonus but his father Antipater persuaded him to befriend him again. When Cassander met with his father in Phrygia, he advised him, not to go too far away from the kings nor to rely too much upon Antigonus. However, Antigonus by his temperate and discreet behaviour on all occasions, did what he could to make Antipater trust him. Thereupon Antipater set aside his displeasure towards him and turned over to him the forces which he had brought with him from Asia. These were 8500 Macedonians and as many cavalry of his confederates with some 70 of his elephants. Antigonus was to use these forces to war against Eumenes. Antigonus accepted the task and Antipater with the kings, journeyed to Macedon, (Arrian.)

2440. The whole army cried out for their wages and Antipater promised them pay when he came to Abydus. He told them that perhaps he would give them the whole amount which Alexander had promised and if not at least most of it. Encouraging them with this hope, he quietly marched to Abydus. When he came there, he with the two kings in his company stole away by night and crossed over the Hellespont to Lysimachus. On the next day, they followed him without any further demands for their pay. So says Arrian (in Biblio. Photh. c. 92.) and here Arrian ends his ten books which he wrote of the deeds of Alexander.

2441. Antigonus assembled all his forces from their winter quarters, to march against Eumenes and to subdue him. Eumenes was at that time in Cappodicia. (Diod. Sic.) There were signs everywhere in Eumenes' camp, promising 100 talents, good conditions and offices besides, to the one who would bring Eumenes head to Antigonus. (Justin l. 14. c. 1. Plut. in Eumene.) When Eumenes knew of this, he immediately called all the soldiers together and first thanked them all that in so large a number, there was no one that would break his oath with Eumenes for the sake of a reward. Eumenes cleverly intimated to them that these signs were his own and he used them to determine their loyalty to him. Hence if the enemy should do the same later, the army would imagine it was just another ploy by Eumenes to determine their loyalty. Thereupon they all cried out and vowed their service to protect his life. (Justin.) They decreed among themselves that there should be chosen from the main part of the army, 1000 men for his daily guard. They would watch every night in turn about him. Those who were chosen, were glad for the service and willingly received from Eumenes such gifts as the Macedonian kings normally bestow on their friends. For Eumenes gave them scarlet hats and robes which among the Macedonians was always esteemed a great favour from their kings. (Plut.) However one of his chief commanders, Perdiccas along with 3000 foot soldiers and 500 cavalry defected from him. When he journeyed 3 days, Eumenes sent Tenedius a Phoenician, with 4000 select foot soldiers and 1000 cavalry to overtake them. This he did and attacked them by surprise at night while they were all asleep. He took Perdiccas prisoner and brought back all his soldiers to Eumenes. He picked out the chief instigators of that revolt and executed them. The rest were distributed in small numbers among his other companies. He spoke well to them and used them courteously, thereby winning their affections to him again. (Diod. Sic.)

2442. After this Antigonus dealt by a secret messenger with Apollonides, one of the commanders of the cavalry under Eumenes. By making generous promises, he had him betray Eumenes and in the middle of the fight to forsake and turn against him. Eumenes at this time camped in the country of Orcynia in Cappadocia. This was a place suitable for the cavalry to fight in. Antigonus went there with his army and took over all the upper ground near the foot of the mountains. His army had 10,000 foot soldiers who were mainly Macedonians and men of admirable strength and courage. He also had 2000 cavalry and 30 elephants. In Eumenes' army were at least 20,000 foot soldiers and 5000 cavalry. The battle began very fiercely and Eumenes' side was winning. When Appolonides with his regiment of cavalry defected to the enemy, Antigonus won. In that fight, Eumenes lost 8000 men and all his wagons. (Plut.)

2443. Eumenes did not allow the traitor to escape. While he was in the act of that villany, he took him and hung him up. Eumenes fled by a the opposite way from which they that pursued him took. He turned back shortly and passed by the enemy and came to the place where the battle was fought. Here he camped and gathered together the bodies of his slain. Since the place lacked firewood he took the doors and gates of the towns and villages in the area. He had them broken and made piles to burn his dead on. The captains were burned separately from the common soldiers. When Antigonus returned to the place later he was amazed at this bold act of his and the undauntedness of his high courage. (Plut.)

2444. Eumenes found by chance Antigonus' wagons. Although he might have taken many prisoners and many slaves with many goods, he did not. He feared lest his men having gotten so much wealth would grow less anxious to fight and to move quickly because of all the goods they picked up. Eumenes ordered that each man should feed his horse well and refresh himself. Then they should be ready to attack the enemy. Meanwhile he secretly sent to Menander, who was set to guard the enemies luggage, to move immediately from the plain to the foot of the mountain. He feared lest Menander would be suddenly surrounded by the enemies' cavalry. When Menander saw the potential danger, he moved quickly. The enemy said that they were very much indebted to Eumenes for sparing their children from slavery and their wives from rapine. However, Antigonus told them that Eumenes did it not for their sakes, but so as not to burden his troops with useless goods in their flight. (Plut.)

2445. Eumenes went from there and secretly persuaded a great many of his men to leave him for the present. This was either from an honest concern for them or because they were now grown too few to oppose the enemy and yet were too many to conceal with him in his flight. He came to Nora, which was a strong citadel and which Strabo, (l. 12.) says in his time was called Neroassus and located near Cappadocia and Lycaonia. He had 500 cavalry and 200 foot soldiers with him. (Although Diodorus says that there were not more than 500 in total.) As many of his friends as desired his permission to leave, he embraced each one of them in a fair and courteous manner and sent them away. They wanted to leave either because of the desolateness of the place or the scarcity of provisions. He freely gave them the food that they found there. The place was not more than about 400 yards in size and there was in it provision enough of grain, salt and water. There was no supply of fresh food to be had. (Strabo. with Diodorus, and Justin. l. 14. c. 2.)

2446. Antigonus came to the place. Before he besieged it, he sent to Eumenes to come to a talk. When he required hostages, Antigonus refused but asked him to come out to his superior. Eumenes sent him word again that:

``As long as he wore a sword by his side, he would acknowledge no superior.''

2447. Thereupon, when Antigonus sent him his own brother's son, called Ptolemy, as was required, Eumenes came out and they embraced each other very lovingly and in all familiar manner. They had discussed various matters. Antigonus noticed he never mentioned anything of his own security or pardon but still demanded his former governments to be confirmed and to be recompensed for his losses. The bystanders stood amazed at it and wondered at the constancy of his courage and magnanimity that was in him. Antigonus told him that concerning these matters, he would talk with Antipater. So, with much adieu, he returned again to his citadel safe from the violence of the crowd. Antigonus built a double wall with trenches around the citadel and left enough men to maintain the siege. He then moved his camp. (Strabo. with Diodorus, and Justin. l. 14. c. 2.)

2448. After a while Eumenes sent messengers to Antipater to make peace. One of them was Hieronymus the historian who was born in Cardia, as Eumenes was. (Diod. Sic. & Justin, l. 14. c. 2.) In the meant time, he provided food for his company and though his provisions were short, yet he cheerfully accepted what he had. He had them all in their turn to his table where he entertained them with pleasant discourses and good speeches instead of better food. (Diod. Sic. and Plut.) As often as he wanted to, he would sally forth and either burn or destroy Antigonus' works. (Emil. Prob.)

2449. He feared that he might lose all his horses from lack of exercise and since they were always confined to one place. He ordered every day to prop up his horses with their fore feet above ground and made them stand on their hind feet. So that with striving and much struggling, they might get exercise and sweat. He gave them boiled barley to eat, that they might more easily digest it. When at last he came out of the citadel, everyone wondered to see his horses so fat and sleek, as if they had been all the while kept in the best pasture of the country. (Diod. Sic. Jul. Fronti. Stratag. l. 4. c. 7. Plut. and Emil. Prob. in Eumene.)

2450. Ptolemy the son of Lagus, knew that Phoenicia, and Coelosyria would be very advantageous to him for the defence of Egypt and also for the capture of Cyprus. He thought much on how he could take them over. Therefore he tried to persuade Laomedon, who was made governor of those two provinces, first by Perdiccas and later Antipater, to turn them over to him. He offered him a vast sum of money for it. When this did not work, he raised a large army and made his trusted friend Nicanor the general of it. He sent him to take this area by force. Nicanor marched into Syria and took Laomedon prisoner. However, he bribed his keepers and to Alcetus in Caria. Nicanor in a short time subdued all Phoenicia and Syria. He put garrisons in them and he returned to Egypt. (Diod. Sic. with Appia. in Syriac. p. 121. & Pausan, in his Attica. p. 5.)

2451. Ptolemy attacked the parts of Phoenicia and Syria. When he had captured Jerusalem by deceit, he carried from there 100,000 men into Egypt. Of these he selected 30,000 of the ablest of them whom he armed and took into his army with greater than normal pay. He committed his garrison towns and citadels in Egypt into their trust. The rest he sold away for slaves among his soldiers. This was not necessarily of Ptolemy's doing but from the desire of the soldiers. They wanted the Jews more than any other people to help to do the menial tasks related to war. (Aristeos, in l. de 70. interpret. with Ptol. Philadel, his epistle, cod. lib. Joseph. Antiq. l. 12. c. 1. Euseb. 2. in Chron.)

2452. Concerning the capture of Jerusalem, Agatharchides Cnidus describes it in his book of the successors of Alexander the Great, in Josephus (l. 1. cont. Apion. p. 1050. with l. 12. Antiq, c. 1.)

``They who are called Jews, live in a most fortified city which the natives call Jerusalem. They keep every 7th day as a holiday. They do not involve themselves in war, husbandry or any other type of work on this day. They only hold up their hands in hallowed places and stay there praying until the evening with outstretched hands. When Ptolemy, the son of Lagus entered their city with his army, all men observed the folly of them that were observing the Sabbath. So the country became enslaved under a bitter master and their law was found to be nothing else but a foolish custom.''

2453. Appian adds, that Ptolemy demolished the walls of the city. When he had left garrisons in Syria, he returned to Egypt by sea. (in Syriac. p. 119, 121.)

2454. Concerning this Jewish deportation into Egypt, Josephus write: (l. 12. Antiq. c. 1.)

``Ptolemy carried away many captives from the hill country of Judaea, the places bordering on Jerusalem, from Samaria and from Mount Gerizim into Egypt. He made them to dwell there. He found that they of Jerusalem kept their oaths from the reply which they made to Alexander's messengers after the last defeat of Darius. Therefore he decided to put many of them in his garrisons and citadels. When he had settled many of them in Alexandria, he gave them the same privileges which the Macedonians had. He bound them all with an oath to be true liege men to his posterity because he had bestowed such large favours on them.''

2455. Again in his (2nd book cont. Apio. p. 1063.)

``Ptolemy Lagus committed all his citadels and places of strength to his Alexandrian Jews. He thought they would be kept most safely in their hands because of their fidelity and integrity. So that he might reign most securely in Cyrene and other parts of Lybia, he sent many of those Jews to live in that country.''

2456. From these Jews, descended Jason of Cyrene from whose writings was collected the second book of the Maccabees, /APC 2Ma 2:23 and Simon of Cyrene, who bore the cross of Christ, Mt 27:32 and of whom mention is made in: Ac 2:10 6:9.

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2457. While Eumenes was trapped in Nora, Antigonus besieged it with a double wall around him. He marched with his army against Alcetas and Attalus. He first went into Pisidia where Alcetas with his forces were. In 7 days he marched over 310 miles to the city called, "The City of the Cretenses". Because he came so fast and suddenly upon them, he took over some suitable hills and places of advantage there. In his army besides his elephants, were 40,000 foot soldiers and 7000 cavalry. However, Alcetas dared to meet him in the open field with only 16,000 foot soldiers and 900 cavalry of his friends in his army. Antigonus had the advantage of the ground and had a much stronger force. He routed him and took both Attalus, Docinius and Polemon, and many other chief captains as prisoners. He showed them his mercy and used great clemency and humanity toward them. He distributed the rest among his own companies and thereby greatly increased his own army.

2458. Alcetas, with his bodyguard, his sons and other Pisidians who served him, fled to Telmessus, a city of Pisidia. The Pisidians numbered about 6000 and were all very strong and valiant men. They promised never to forsake him. Therefore when Antigonus with all his army came before the walls of Telmessus and demanded Alcetas to be delivered to him, the older men wanted to turn him over. However, the younger men met together at night and swore an oath not to forsake him in spite of any danger that might come. In spite of this, the elders of the city sent a messenger secretly to Antigonus to let him know that they would deliver Alcetes into his hands dead or alive. The condition was that he would send the soldiers to a skirmish and pretend to flee and retreat to a reasonable distance from the walls of their city. This was done and drew the young men out of the city. In the meantime, the elders attacked Alcetas with their men. He killed himself rather than fall into the hands of the enemy. His body was placed on a funeral bier and wrapped in a vile cloth. While the young men were fighting, his body was sent to Antigonus. For 3 days he exposed it to all the contumelies and indignities that could be imagined and at last had it cast out unburied. When the young men returned from the fight and heard what had happened in their absence, they were enraged with the elders. They seized part of the city and resolved at first to set it all on fire. However, they changed their minds and started plundering and wasting the enemies' country in the area. When they learned that Antigonus had left the corpse of Alcetas behind him, they took it up and gave it an honourable burial. (2nd book cont. Apio. p. 1063.)

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2459. Antipater became sick and before his death he made Polysperchon to be the guardian of the kings and sovereign commander in his place. Polysperchon was almost the oldest man of all that served under Alexander. He was held in very great esteem among the Macedonians. However, Cassander, Antipater's son, was not content with his office of general of the cavalry. He was enraged to see that Polysperchon was preferred before him as the guardian and sovereign of the realm. He began to plot with his friends to get the kingdom into his own hands. He sent secretly his agents to Ptolemy and renewed his former friendship with him. He desired that he would make an alliance with him and come away with his fleet from Phoenicia into Hellespont. He did likewise with the other commanders and cities and urged them to join forces with him. (2nd book cont. Apio. p. 1063. with Plutarch in Phoecio.)

2460. When Antigonus returned with his army from Pisidia into Phrigia, to the city of the Cretenses, he was there notified of all these matters by Aristodemus of Miletum. This pleased him well for he aspired to supreme sovereignty also. (Diodorus, with Plutarch in Eumene.) He was left as sole and absolute commander of all Asia by Antipater and had a larger army there than anyone else. He planned to seize all the king's treasure there while there was none to oppose him. He had then in his army, 60,000 foot soldiers and 10,000 cavalry and 30 elephants. He saw that he had the means to increase, if needed, his army at his pleasure. He could get troops from foreign countries and Asia was well able to feed and pay them all abundantly. Therefore he called a council of his friends. He declared to them that his purpose was for the good of them all. Thereupon he assigned his friends to various offices and commands. He secured them with generous promises to be loyal to him and help him do what he planned. He resolved to go through all Asia and to put out the governors and replace them with ones of his own choosing. (Diod. Sic.)

2461. When Aridaeus who had the government of Phrygia on the Hellespont, knew what Antigonus was up to, he went and attacked the large city of Cizycum. This city would be most suitable for his needs. He had at army of more than 10,000 mercenary foot soldiers, 1000 Macedonians, 500 Persian archers and slingers and 800 cavalry. With these he had all types of battering rams. The men of Cizycum, under the pretence of a treaty for peace, obtained a truce for a time. They dragged out the discussions for the surrender while they secretly sent to Byzantium for help and supplies of men and equipment of all kinds for their defence. As they sailed along their own coasts with their warships, they gathered men from the country and put them in the city along with any supplies they brought with them. Aridaeus was fooled by the men of Cyzicum, as he later found out and had to return to his own government again. (Diod. Sic.)

2462. When Antigonus was at Celenae, he hurried away with 20,000 select foot soldiers and 3000 cavalry to relieve Cizycum. He hoped to ingratiate the city to him. However, he came too late. He sent messengers to Aridaeus to rebuke him for his actions. He required Aridaeus to give up his government and to live after that as a private citizen. He would have the revenue of only one city to live on. When Aridaeus refused to do this, he placed guards about the gates and on the walls and other places of the city where he was. Then he sent away a part of his army with a commander over them to side with Eumenes. They were to raise the siege from the Nora Citadel and help Eumenes out of that danger. This was to help him make a league with Eumenes against Antigonus. (Diod. Sic.)

2463. Emil. Probus tells us that Eumenes toward the beginning of the spring, under pretence of submitting himself to Antigonus and entreated of conditions daily, at last tricked him. He and all his people escaped from the citadel. (in Eumene.) However, Justin, (l. 4. c 2.) says that Antigonus raised the seige when he found that Antipater had sent relief to Eumenes. Diodorus and Plutarch state that Eumenes by the mediation of Hieronymus Cardianus, his countryman and true friend, was allowed to come out on his word and thus it was.

2464. Antigonus was wondering how to get everything under his control. He sent for Hieronymus the historian, to come to him. He used him to send a message to Eumenes to cut a deal. He wished to forget what had happened between them in the fight at Cappadocia. He would now be pleased to join with him in a firm league of love and friendship and association of arms. He offered to give him far more wealth than he had lost and a better province than he ever had before. He would make him the best of all his friends and partaker of all his designs and fortunes. (Diod. Sic.) When Antigonus had drawn up this in the form of an oath to bind each other to strict observance of the conditions, he sent it to Eumenes. Eumenes took it and amended it in some points. Then he asked those Macedonian captains who were in the siege against him to judge which of the two was the better and less ambitious. Among other things, Antigonus made mention of the kings in a formal manner but in the performance of all services and conditions, he referred only to himself and these were made in his own name. Whereas Eumenes, in his draught, first mentioned Olympias with the two kings. Secondly he arranged the oath on such terms, as purported that he would reckon them all friends and foes, as were friends and foes, not to Antigonus but to Olympias and the two kings. When this seemed to be the more reasonable of the two, Eumenes took his oath. For taking the oath, they presently raised their siege and sent to Antigonus and asked him to bind himself to the same oath as Eumenes had. Meanwhile, Eumenes, sent whatever hostages he had of the Cappadocians, back home again. Antigonus wrote back a sharp and a taunting letter to those Macedonians for presuming to amend anything in the form of the oath which he had prescribed for Eumenes to take and wanted them to besiege him again. This reply came too late. (Plut.)

2465. When Eumenes had escaped after a year's close siege, beyond his expectations, he stayed for awhile in Cappadocia. He gathered together his old friends and soldiers who were now scattered about the country. (Diod. Sic.) He started all over again from nothing. The friends of those hostages whom he had restored, lent him horses wagons and tents. In a short time, about 1000 cavalry from the old regiments which foraged up and down the country, came to him. (Plut.) Eumenes was a most active and industrious man and there were others there who were also just as devoted to the state as he was. Hence it happened that great number of soldiers came flocking to him. Within a few days, in addition to the 500 friends who were with him in the citadel, he had gotten 2000 men who were all ready to serve him. (Diod. Sic.)

2466. Antagonus sent some of his forces to besiege Aridaeus, the governor of lesser Phrygia. He marched himself with most of the army into Lydia to expel Clitus from his government. However, Clitus was forewarned and presently packed every town of his and place of defence with a strong garrison. He went into Macedon to acquaint the kings and Polysperchon the guardian of the kings, of Antigonus' doings and his planned revolt from the Macedonian government. He asked for help against him. (Diod. Sic.)

2467. Antigonus took in Ephesus at his first coming. Some within the city betrayed the city into his hands. Later, Escylus of Rhodes came there. He brought 4 ships with 600 men from Cilicia and 400 talents. These were to be sent to the kings in Macedon. Antigonus seized on it all for his own use and said that he had need of it to raise and pay foreign soldiers with. By this act, he plainly showed his intention to be independent and to rebel against the kings. When this was done, he proceeded to take the rest of the cities. Some he took by force, others by fair words. (Diod. Sic.) From this revolt, it is that Dexippus, Porphyrie and Eusebius calculate the 18 years of his rule in Scaliger's Graeca Eusebiana (p. 48. 164, 226.)

2468. When Cassander crossed the Hellespont, he went to Antigonus in Asia. He wanted his help and assured him of Ptolemy's agreement about it. Antigonus was glad of his coming and presently offered to help him by land and sea. This he did under a pretence, as if he would help him for his father Antipater's sake. His main purpose was to embroil Cassander in as many wars and troubles as possibly he could in Europe so that he might more freely move about and take over Asia and make himself king there. (Diod. Sic.)

2469. Polysperchon, the guardian of the kings and curate of the Macedonian empire, sent letters to Eumenes, in the two kings' names, requiring him to be loyal to the kings and fight against Antigonus as he had done before. He gave Eumenes the choice of coming into Macedon and there, jointly with him, be a guardian of the two king's or would stay in Asia. If he stayed, he would receive supplies of men, money and equipment to oppose Antigonus who had now openly declared himself a rebel against the kings. If he needed greater forces, Polysperchon would be ready with the kings and all the power that the kingdom of Macedon could muster to cross the seas and to come into Asia to join forces with him. Similar letters were sent to the treasurers in Cilicia, requiring them from the money which was at Quindi (where the kings' treasure for Asia was kept, according to Strabo l. 14. p. 72.) to immediately pay him 500 talents toward his recent losses. From the rest of the kings' money, they were to give him as much as he should ask, to hire and pay for foreign soldiers. He also wrote letters to Antigenes and Tentamus, who between them commanded 3000 silver targeteers under Antigonus, that they defect to Eumenes and help him all they could. Polysperchon did this as the man that was made absolute commander and governor of all Asia under the kings. Olympias, the mother of Alexander the Great, did her part and wrote similar letters requiring all men to come and aid both herself and the kings., (Diod. Sic. with Plut. and Emil. Prob. in Eumene.)

2470. Eumenes left Cappadocia with only 500 cavalry and 2000 foot soldiers. He could not wait for their arrival who had promised to enlist themselves under him but had not come yet. Menander was coming with a large army and would not allow him to stay in Cappadocia since he proclaimed himself to be a public enemy to Antagonus. Those who were left behind, followed Eumenes for three days. When they saw they could not possibly overtake him, they returned into Cappadocia. (Diod. Sic.)

2471. Eumenes made long marches and passed Mount Taurus and came into Cilicia. He was met by Antigenes and Tentamus, captains of the silver targeteers, with their friends. They obeyed the command of the kings. They congratulated his fortunate escape from so many and great dangers. They offered him their service and promised to stand by him in his utmost dangers. Then came the regiment of about 3000 silver targeteers, all Macedonians to him and pledged their loyalty to him. (Diod. Sic.)

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2472. Eumenes, feared the envy of the Macedonians since he was alian born in Cardia in the Chersonese of Thracia, if he should assume absolute governor of the place. First he waived the receipt of the 500 talents which were given to him for his losses. He said that he did not need so great a sum since he assumed no government there. (Diod. Sic. & Plutarch.) Then he pitched his tent in the name of Alexander and called it Alexander's pavilion. He pretended that he was warned to do so by a vision in a dream. He had a golden throne placed there with a sceptre and a diadem. They met there every day to consult about matters and he hoped to minimize any envy toward him if he seemed to administer all things under the majesty and title of Alexander. (Diod. Sic. Plutarch, Emil. Prob. Polyanus, l. 4. Stratag.) Therefore, by this means he behaved in all the meetings as an ordinary man and spoke to every man with good, courteous language and removed all thoughts of envy toward him. He behaved like this toward the silver targeteers who were all Macedonians. He was highly esteemed by them and so much so that every man said that he was of all men most worthy to have the guardianship of the kings. (Diod. Sic.) He was so fair in his speech. He did not hesitate to call them, his fellow soldiers or his masters and companions of his in those eastern wars. He told them that they were the only men who conquered the east. They were the only men who outdid Bacchus and Hercules with their victories. They were the men who made Alexander, great. By them, he attained divine honours and immortal glory in the world. Eumenes desired that they would not look on him as their commander but as their fellow soldier and a man of their own company. (Justin. l. 14. c. 2.)

2473. Eumenes selected certain choice men from his friends. He gave them much money and sent them to hire soldiers promising a generous pay. Thereupon some went into Pisidia, Lycia and the places bordering them. Others went into Cilicia, Coelosyria, Phoenicia and the isle of Cyprus. They did their best to hire as many soldiers as they could. When many Greeks saw what generous pay was being offered, they came also. In a short time, they had gathered 10,000 foot soldiers and 2000 cavalry besides the silver targeteers and those which Eumenes brought with him from Cappadocia. (Diod. Sic.)

2474. Ptolemy came with his navy to a port called Zaphyrium in Cilicia and sent some of his agents to solicit the silver targeteers to defect from Eumenes, since he was proclaimed as an enemy with the death sentence awaiting him. He sent also to the chief officers at Quindi and advised them not to issue any money to Eumenes. No one listened to Ptolemy because the kings, their governor Polysperchon and Olympias, Alexander's mother, had written to them. They required them to be obedient in all things to Eumenes as to the commander-in-chief and general of the kingdom. (Diod. Sic.)

2475. After this Antigonus sent one of his good friends Philotas with 30 Macedonians in his company to the silver targeteers to feel them out. They first asked their captains and main soldiers if by money they could be induced to kill Eumenes now that he was in their hands. They found no man agreeable to their desires except for Tentamus who was one of the captains of the silver targeteers. He agreed and tried to win over Antigenes his colleague, to help in this foul deed. Antigenes was not at all interested and prevailed with Tentamus to abandon his plan. He showed him that there were better things and better reasons for trusting Eumenes, a man of a moderate fortune and a limited power than from Antigonus who was already grown too powerful. Antigonus would cast them aside once he had gotten all into his hands and replace them with his own friends. Then Philotas sent to the chief captains Antigonus' letters that was directed to the soldiers in general. It required them to kill Eumenes on sight. It threatening them that if they did not do it, Antigonus would come shortly and attack them with his army and make examples of them for their disobedience. This terrified the soldiers. However, Eumenes came to them and persuaded them to follow the orders of their kings and not listen to the words of a man who had now proclaimed himself an open rebel. After speaking many things, Eumenes saved himself from imminent danger and made the troops more loyal to him than ever. (Diod. Sic.)

2476. Eumenes ordered them to march into Phoenicia. There he assembled all the ships he could from all the sea towns and made a strong navy. He planned that Polysperchon with a fleet at his command, might at any time sail with his forces from Macedon to Asia to fight against Antigonus. Therefore for this reason, he stayed even longer in Phoenicia. (Diod. Sic.)

2477. Meanwhile, Polysperchon made Clitus, the governor of Lydia, admiral of the fleet and sent him into the Hellespont. He ordered him to stay there and to ensure that no ships passed that way from Asia into Europe. He wanted him to help Aridaeus, the governor of lesser Phrygia. He had fled with such men as he had into the city of the Cyonians for fear of Antigonus. (Diod. Sic.)

2478. Clitus came into the Hellespont to protect the cities of Propontis. He had joined Aridaeus' army with his own. Then Nicanor, the captain of the garrison of Munychia welcomed Cassander who had put all his navy to sea. He took with him Antigonus' fleet so that he had more than 100 ships in his fleet. In a sea battle not far from the city of Byzantium, Clitus won and sunk 17 of the enemies' ships and captured at least 40 more with all the men in them. (Diod. Sic.) Clitus was overjoyed. A little before he had taken 3 or 4 ships of the Greeks near the Isle of Amorgus, one of the Cyclades. He allowed himself to be called Neptune and bare a trident in his hand. (Plut. l. 2. Dr. fortu. Alexan.)

2479. When Antigonus heard of the loss of his navy at sea, he sent for some ships from Byzantium and put in them archers, slingers, targeteers and such lightly armed men, as many as he thought would fit. They landed on the European side and these attacked Clitus' men who had gone ashore and were busy in making their camp. They frightened and forced them to retreat to their ships again. They lost their baggage and many men were taken prisoner. In the meantime Antigonus procured other ships of war into which he put many of his best soldiers. He sent them to the same place with a strict charge to valiantly attack their enemies and they would no doubt overcome them. These came by night under the command of Nicanor their captain and attacked at the break of day. He routed them on the very first assault and bilging some of their ships with the prows of their ships. They captured other ships with the men in them who surrendered. At last, they took all the rest of the ships and men except only for Clitus. He abandoned his ship and fled to land and hoped to get into Macedonia. On the way he was attacked by Lysimachus' soldiers, who killed him. (Diod. Sic.)

2480. When Antigonus had given the enemy this great defeat, he became master of the sea. He hurried to make himself absolute monarch of all Asia. Therefore, he selected the best 20,000 foot soldiers and 4000 cavalry from his army and marched toward Cilicia. He planned to scatter those companies of Eumenes which were there before his whole army came together. (Diod. Sic.)

3687a AM, 4396 JP, 318 BC

2481. Jubilee 23.

2482. When Eumenes knew of Antigonus' plans, he tried to persuade Phoenicia where he then was, to obey the kings. At that time it was unjustly occupied by Ptolemy. When he failed to do this, he left and went through Coelosyria. He hoped to get into those parts, which are called the upper provinces. (Diod. Sic. l. 18.) He had the silver targeteers with him including their captain Antigenes. They had wintered in a country of Babylonia, called Cares. (Diod. Sic. l. 19.)

3687 AM, 4397 JP, 317 BC

2483. Eumenes sent from there to Seleucus the governor of Babylonia and to Pithon the governor of Media to come and with himself to help the kings against Antigonus who had rebelled against them. Seleucus sent him word that he would do what he could for the kings. He would not help Eumenes, who was for a long time a condemned person by the council of Macedonians. He secretly sent to Antigenes and the silver targeteers to kill Eumenes. They refused. (Diod. Sic.)

2484. Eumenes had the loyalty of his soldiers. He marched to the bank of the Tigris River and there camped about 40 miles from Babylon. He lost some of his men by an uprising of the natives against him. From there he planned to go forward to Susa to gather his soldiers out of the upper provinces and to take the kings' money which was stored there for his own needs. Seleucus came on him near the Euphrates. Eumenes almost lost his whole army by a sudden flood which Seleucus caused by opening the head of an old dam and let in the water and flooded his camp and almost drowned everyone. Therefore Eumenes and his men were forced to flee from there to a higher ground. They spent that day figuring out how to recover things. The next day they got 30 flat bottom boats and transported the main part of the army without being hindered by the enemy. For Seleucus had nothing but cavalry with him and they were out numbered by Eumenes. When night came, Eumenes returned with his Macedonians to take care of the wagons which were left behind. They crossed the river and there with the help of the natives found a place to let out the water another way to make all that country dry and passable again. When Seleucus knew of this he was desirous to rid his country of such guests. As soon as he possibly could, he sent messengers to offer them a truce and so allowed them to march away without bothering them. So once again beyond all his expectations, Eumenes escaped from Seleucus and came with his army into Persia to the country of Susa. He had 16,000 foot soldiers and 1300 cavalry. When he had refreshed his army after their hard and miserable march, he sent to the commanders of the upper provinces to send to him men and money for the service of the kings. (Diod. Sic. l. 18, 19.)

2485. Attalus Polemo, Antipater and Philotas who were all captains and captured in the defeat of Alcetes were committed to prison in an exceedingly strong citadel. When they heard that Antigonus marched up into the upper provinces, (Diod. Sic. says, that at that time he was in Mesopotamia) they found a sword for each man. Although there was only 8 in their group, at midnight they attacked 400 men who were in the garrison. They first seized Xenopithes, the captain of the garrison and threw him down the rock of the citadel which was about 200 yards high. When they had killed some and forced the rest they set fire to the houses within the fort. Thereupon those who were outside waiting to see how the matter would go, went and about 50 were received into the citadel. When they were in they could not agree among themselves, whether they should hold the place and await supplies from Eumenes or leave it and every man go his own way. The soldiers of the other garrisons were not far off. About 500 foot soldiers and 400 cavalry and about 3000 natives appointed a new captain and came to besiege the citadel. Docimus, who had advised to leave the place, saw an unguarded way down the hill. He sent a messenger to Statomice the wife of Antigonus, who was close by. He and another man got out and went to her. However, she did not keep her word with him and held him fast again. The man that went with him guided the enemy up to the citadel. They outnumbered the defenders and took over a strong place in it. Nevertheless Attalus, with the rest who were of the opinion to defend the fort and kept on fighting bravely from day to day for 16 months. (Diod. Sic. l. 19.)

2486. When Pithon, who was governor of Media had killed Philotas, who was governor of the upper provinces, he replaced him with his own brother, Eudramus. Thereupon the other governors united their forces because they feared they would be treated in the same way and they knew that Pithon was a man of a violent disposition. They attacked and defeated him and killed many of his men. They drove him from all of Parthia. He went into Media hoping to have relief there. When he found none, he went to Babylon and there desired help from Seleucus. (Diod. Sic. l. 19.)

2487. Eumenes stayed in the country of Susa. Lacking supplies, he divided his whole army into three brigades. Even so as he marched through the country, he found a great scarcity of grain everywhere. Instead, he was forced to give them rice and a kind of Indian wheat and the fruit of the palm tree which was in great abundance there. He had previously sent the kings' letters to the governors of the upper provinces requesting help. Again he sent more letters to them of his own, to request them to come to him with all their forces into the country of Susa. However, his messengers found them all in one body fighting Pithon. (Diod. Sic. l. 19.)

2488. The leader of them all and the man most watched was Pencestes, whom Alexander had previously made the chief captain of his bodyguard and governor of Persia. He had with him 10,000 Persian archers and slingers. From the other countries he had taken 3000 Macedonians with 600 cavalry from Greeks and Thracians along with 400 Persian cavalry. Polemon a Macedonian and governor of Carmania had 1500 foot soldiers and 700 cavalry. Sibyrtius the governor of Arachosia had 1000 foot soldiers and 610 cavalry. Androbazus had 1200 foot soldiers and 400 cavalry that were sent from Oxyarta, the governor of Parapamysus. Stasanor, the governor of Aria and Drangia had 1500 Bactrian foot soldiers and 1000 cavalry. From India, Eudamus (whom Arrian calls Eudemus and Curtius calls Eudemon,) the governor of the Oxydracans and Mallians brought 3000 foot soldiers and 300 cavalry plus 120 elephants. These animals he got when he treacherously killed Porus, the king of the Indians. In total they had 18,700 foot soldiers (although the details sum to 21,000) and 4600 cavalry. (Diod. Sic. l. 19.)

2489. When they all came to Eumenes in the country of Susiana, they called a public council. There was a hot dispute especially between Pencestes and Antigenes the captain of the silver Targateers about the choice of a general. Eumenes removed the reasons for that dispute, by erecting a pavilion for Alexander and putting his throne in it. All meetings about public affairs were conducted here. (Diod. Sic. l. 19.)

2490. When they all came together at Susa, Eumenes took from of the kings' treasury as much as the kings' service required. For the kings' letters to the keepers of their treasure had required that they only give money to Eumenes and as much as he needed. He gave the Macedonians 6 month's advance pay. He gave 200 talents to Eudamus who brought the elephants from India. This was under the pretence of defraying the cost of those beasts but it was intended to secure his loyalty. Eumenes knew that if any controversy happened, the side with the elephants would likely win. The rest of the governors paid for their own soldiers that they had brought with him. When this was done, Eumenes stayed a while in Susiana to refresh his army after their hard journey. (Diod. Sic. l. 19.)

2491. Olympias, the mother of Alexander the Great, had Philippus Aridaeus, one of the two kings and his wife Euridice murdered. He had reigned 6 years, after the death of Alexander. (Justin. l. 14. c. 5.) and 6 years 4 months according to Diodorus. (Diod. Sic. year 4. Olymp. 115.) Porphyrie (in Grac. Euseb, p. 228.) says this happened about the 22nd day of our September.

3688 AM, 4398 JP, 316 BC

2492. Cassander, the son of Antipater, besieged Olympias with her grand-child Hercules, the son of Alexander the Great and his mother Barsine, in the Macedonian town of Pydna. In the beginning of the next spring, they ran out of provisions and Olympias was forced to dismiss her soldiers. She surrendered to Cassander on the condition she would be allowed to live. (Diod. l. 19. & Justin. l. 14. c. 6.)

2493. Antigonus left Mesopotamia and came into the country of Babylonia. He allied himself with Seleucus and Pithon. After receiving some supplies from them, he made a bridge of boats over the Tigris River and there crossed the river. He quickly marched away to fight against Eumenes. However, Eumenes was notified before of this and ordered Xenophius, the keeper of the citadel in Susa to pay none of the kings' money to Antigonus. Neither was he to even talk to him. Eumenes went with his armies and manned the bank of the Tigris all along, from its source to the very sea with forts. These were built on its bank. Since that was a considerable undertaking, Eumenes and Antigones had Pencestes send them 10,000 more archers from Persia. (Diod. Sic. year. 1. Olymp. 116.)

2494. Antigonus went with his army to the king's palace in Susa and made Seleucus the governor of that country. He left a sufficient army with him and wanted him to besiege the citadel. Xenophilus the treasurer refused to obey his commands. About the rising of the dog-star (Siris), Antigonus with his army marched at night to the Copatres River where it joins the Tigris River. He lost a great number of his men because the season was so hot. He found that river to be about 400 feet wide. Therefore he got together a small quantity of flat-bottomed boats and used them to get some of his foot soldiers across. He told them to wait for the rest to cross. Eumenes was notified of this by his scouts and was about 10 miles from the place. He crossed the Tigris River on a bridge and came with 4000 foot soldiers and 1300 cavalry. He found 3000 foot soldiers and 1300 cavalry of Antigonus' army had crossed over already. There were at least 6000 who were foraging about the country. He suddenly attacked them and routed them. He forced the Macedonians who fought into the river. They ran headlong into their boats which sunk from overloading. Few escaped. About 4000 who would not venture into the river, were taken prisoners according to Diodorus. However, Plutarch says that when Antigonus crossed the Pasitigris River, the rest of the army did not know what had happened. Eumenes himself met him with his own company and killed many of his men. He filled the river with dead bodies and took 4000 prisoners.

2495. When Antigonus saw that he could not pass that river, he retired with his army toward a city called Balaca that was located on the Ulaie River. He stayed here for a few days to refresh his army which was exhausted from the extreme heat. He planned to go to Ecbatane. He did not follow the highway because of the extreme heat and the journey would take at least 40 days. He went by the Cossaeans which was shorter and not so hot. In spite of this he lost a great number of men and risked the lives of the rest. After 9 days when they had yet to come to any habitable place in Media, the whole army began to grumble. For within 40 days, they had received three major set backs. Antigonus ordered Pithon to go over all Media which he did. He brought him 2000 cavalry, a 1000 equipped cavalry horses and with enough equipment to outfit his army again. He brought 500 talents from the king's treasure also. Antigonus distributed the cavalry among his other troops and gave the horses to those who had lost their own. He gave the beasts of burden freely to those that wanted them. By this he quickly regained the love and favour of his army again. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 116.)

2496. Eumenes with his men left Pafitigris for Persia and came to the royal seat of the kingdom, called Persepolis after a 24 day march. There his his whole army was entertained and most magnificently feasted by Pencestes the governor of that province. Sacrifices were offered to the gods including Alexander and Philip. Plutarch adds that a sheep was given to each of them for his own particular sacrifice. Eumenes knew that his purpose was to ingratiate himself with the army and to gain for himself the sovereign power and command of if. He forged a letter addressed to himself in the name of Orontes the governor of Armenia and good friend of Pencestes. It was written in Syriac letters. It stated that Olympias, with Alexander's youngest son, had defeated Cassander and had recovered the kingdom of Macedon again. Also it said that Polysperchon with the main force of the king's army and his elephants had crossed into Asia against Antigonus. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 116 & Polya. Stratag. l. 4.) These letters passed as authentic. Therefore every man thought that Eumenes would be the most important man and in a position to advance whom he pleased and to punish whom he thought fit. Hence they resolved to depend on him. Any that opposed him he called them in question before the courts. He started with Sibyrtius the governor of Arachosia and so made them all afraid. In the meantime he courted Pencestes' loyalty and told him what great honour and wealth he would give to him when the time would come. By that means he prevented him from doing anything else against him. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 116.)

2497. Since he desired to ingratiate the rest of the governors of the provinces and commanders to himself, he made as though he needed more money. Therefore he exhorted them to contribute what they could spare for the king's service and collected 400 talents. He made them who seemed most fickle to him before, most loyal to him for fear of losing the money which they had lent to him. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 116. & Plut. in Eunmenes.)

3689a AM, 4398 JP, 316 BC

2498. In the lesser Asia, Attalus and the rest of the commanders with him, after enduring a 16 month siege and suffering much hardship were forced at last to surrender. (Diod. Sic. year 4. Olymp. 115.)

2499. In the greater Asia, Antigonus moved with his army from Media into Persia. Eumenes prepared to march against him and offered sacrifices and started feasting with his captains. He enjoyed their pleasure and became quite drunk and sick and had to sleep it off. This hindered his march for a few days. Thereupon his soldiers said that other generals could feast but Eumenes could do nothing but command and fight. After a little while, he recovered and went on his march. Pencestes and Antigenes led the troops and he was in a litter and came after with the elephants. The two armies were within a day's journey of each other when the scouts came in and brought news of their approach. They told the number of the enemy and the way they were coming. Thereupon each army prepared for the battle. When Eumenes who was lying in his litter did not come into the camp, the chief soldiers in every company resolved not to go any farther unless Eumenes came into the camp among them. Thereupon he was carried in his litter and so went from one quarter to another throughout the army. He gave orders everywhere for the arranging of the troops. Meanwhile Antigonus looked on and laughed at him for his efforts. So each side prepared for the battle which never happened because the intervening ground was so bad to fight on. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 116. & Plut. in Eumene.)

2500. They approached each other within 600 yards and spent 4 days in small skirmishes and foraging the surrounding country. Each side was very hungry and needed supplies. On the 5th day, Antigonus again tried to make Eumenes' army betray him by offering huge rewards. However, his agents were sent away by the enraged Macedonians. They threatened them if they came again on that errand. After this, Eumenes, received news that Antigonus planned to move his camp by night and take a 3 day journey to a place called Gubiene. This country abounded with all sorts of provisions. Therefore Eumenes sent some trusted men who pretended to be deserters to inform Antigonus that Eumenes would attack his camp that night. While Antigonus was preparing for the attack, Eumenes stole away with his army to go to Gubiene before Antigonus so he could find a good location for his camp. When Antigonus learned that Eumenes had tricked him and although Eumenes had a 6 hour head start, yet he followed him. He wanted Pithon to come safely later with the main body of the army. Antigonus with a company of the swiftest cavalry that he could choose, got ahead of Eumenes and showed himself upon a hill where Eumenes could see him. Eumenes gathered by this that Antigonus with all of his army was there. He made his stand before he came to the very place where he intended to pitch his camp and there arranged his battle in array. In the meanwhile, Antigonus' army came upon him. Thus these two great generals used their wits and tricked each other. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 116.)

2501. In the country of the Paraeteceni, these two generals arranged their army in excellent formation and with great judgment as Diodorus describes in detail. Eumenes had with him 35,000 foot soldiers, 6100 cavalry and 114 elephants. Antigonus had 28,000 foot soldiers, more than 8500 cavalry and 65 elephants. The battle was bravely fought on each side until almost midnight. The moon was almost full. When each side was exhausted with fighting, they stopped and went back to their camps. Antigonus lost 3700 foot soldiers and 54 cavalry and had about 4000 maimed horses. Eumenes lost 540 foot soldiers, a very small number of his cavalry and more than 900 were hurt. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 116.)

2502. Eumenes wanted to bury the dead as a sign of a total victory but the army would not allow it. They wanted to go the place where their belongings were. Since that was some distance away, Eumenes was forced to allow them to do it.

2503. Antigonus forced his men to camp near the place where the battle was fought and where his men lay dead. They buried them and Antigonus said he had the victory. He said:

``He who had power to bury his dead was ever to be counted conqueror of the field.''

2504. The bodies were buried by the break of day. He detained the herald who came to him to beg the bodies of the dead. He sent him back at night again and gave them permission to come and bury the bodies the next day.

2505. When he had sent away the herald, he marched away with all his army and by long marches came to Gamarga in Media which was far away from Eumenes. Pithon was governor of this country. It had abundant provisions and was able to maintain a very large army. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 116.) When Eumenes had beaten Antigonus in the country of Paraetecene, he went away to take up his winter quarters in Media, (Emil. Prob. in Eumene.) in a place called Gadamalis or Gadarlis according to Diodorus, or Gadamarlis according to Polyaenus.

2506. Eumenes heard through his scouts that Antgonus did not follow him. His army was not up to it and he wanted to bury his dead. Among the dead was Ceteus, who commanded those who came to him from India. His burial caused a large argument between his two wives. Each wanted to have the honour of being burned alive with him. The younger of the two, won the argument. She was great with child and went into the fire and left the other to live if she wanted to. However, she from grief pined away and died. Diodorus describes this in detail.

2507. When Eumenes had finished burying his dead he went to Gabiene. This was some distance from where Antigonus was with his army. It was about a 25 day journey if one went through the inhabited country. If one went through the desert, they were only a 9 day journey apart. They wintered far from each other and gave their armies a chance to rest and recover their spirits again before the next spring. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 116.)

2508. Meanwhile, Cassander the son of Antipater was desirous to make himself absolute king of Macedon. He had Olympias the mother of Alexander the Great murdered and married Thessalonice the daughter of Philip (not of Aridaeus, as Justin mistakes it) who was Alexander's own sister. When this was done, he sent Alexander the son of Alexander the Great, with Roxane his mother who was very greate with child, to be kept in the citadel at Amphipolis. (Diod. year 1. Olymp. 116. Justin. l. 14. in fi.)

2509. While Eumenes' soldier were resting, they grew heady and insolent. In spite of their commanders, they camped where they wanted to all over the country of Gaviene. Some of their tents were more than 125 miles from their headquarters. (Plutarch) They selected their quarters, not according to any discipline or order of war but to satisfy their own desires and pleasures. (Emil. Prob.)

2510. When Antigonus was told of the disorder in Eumenes' camp, he decided to attack. He let it be known that he would march with his army from Media into Armenia. However, in the depth of winter about the winter solstice, he departed from the ordinary way and marched through the desert. He made fires in the daytime and put them out at night to escape detection. When they had spent 5 days on this tedious journey, the soldiers started making fires at night as well as by day because of the extreme cold. Some who lived in the desert saw this and using dromedaries which commonly run 200 miles in a day, they notified Eumenes and Pencestes of this. (Diod. Sic. Plut. and Emil. Prob.)

3689b AM, 4399 JP, 315 BC

2511. Pencestes was petrified when he heard this and thought of running away. Eumenes calmed things down and said he would take charge. The enemy would not come into those parts for at least 3 or 4 days, or as Emilius has it, more than 5 days. Therefore he sent messengers into all parts to require his troops to come to their head quarters. Then he went about with certain speedy officers and had fires made everywhere on the hill countries so Antigonus would see them. When Antigonus was within 9 miles from Eumenes, he saw those fires and began to imagine that he was betrayed and his purposes revealed by some of his own people. He thought Eumenes was coming to attack him with his whole army. He feared to risk his tired army against Eumenes' fresh and lusty soldiers. Therefore he turned aside from the plain, into a more winding way and there stayed one whole day to rest his men and to refresh his beasts. They would be in better shape to fight if need should be. (Id. and Polyanus, Stratag. l. 4.)

2512. Meanwhile most of Eumenes' army came to their head quarters. When his soldiers saw his surpassing dexterity and wisdom in ordering things, they desired him to order all matters himself. Thereupon Antigenes, who was always loyal to him and Theudamus, the two commanders of the silver targeteers were envious. They plotted with the other captains of the army to kill him. When Eudamus, who commanded the regiment of the elephants and Phaedimus, (being two of those who had lent him money and feared losing it if he died) knew of this, they immediately told Eumenes. He said that he had to deal with a company of bruit beasts. He went and made his will and then burnt his cabinet of papers least after his death they should tell tales and prove dangerous to those that had written them. (Plutarch.)

2513. Diodorus describes in detail the day of the battle between Antigonus and Eumenes. Antigonus had with him 22,000 foot soldiers and 9000 cavalry with 65 elephants. Eumenes' army consisted of 36,700 foot soldiers, 6050 cavalry and 114 elephants. The field where they fought was very spacious, sandy and a desert. Such a dust was stirred up when the cavalry first charged that if a man were only a short ways off he could not see what was going on. When Antigonus saw this, he immediately sent some Median cavalry and some Tarentines from Italy at attack the baggage of the enemy. This was about 5/8 of a mile from the battle. Pencestes the governor of Persia was frightened by Antigonus and got out of the dust cloud with his horse and took with him some 1500 more troops. However, the silver targeteers on Eumenes' side made a strong attack on Antigonus' main battle line and killed more then 5000 and routed the rest. They lost not a single man. So Eumenes won and did not lose more than 300 men. (Diod. Sic. Plut. Polyan. Stratag. l. 4.)

2514. After the battle, the Macedonians saw their wagons were all taken with their wives, children and whatever else was dear to them. There was great sorrow in the camp. Eumenes sought to pacify them and reminded them that they had killed 5000 of the enemies and if they would be patient, the enemy would be forced to ask for peace and then all would be well again. They lost about 2000 women, a few children and servants. This would be better regained by pressing the victory then by letting it go now that the victory was so close at hand. However, the Macedonians plainly told him that they would neither flee now they had lost their wives and children nor bear arms against them and started railing at him. Then Teutamus, of his own accord, sent a messenger to Antigonus to desire him to send back their goods again which he had taken. So the bargain was driven between them that if they surrendered Eumenes into his hands, they would get back their belongings. So the Macedonians, 10,000 Persians who came with Pencestes, the other governors of places and most of the soldiers left Eumenes and went to Antigonus' camp. (Idem. with Justin l. 14. c. 3.)

2515. Before they went, the silver targeteers broke in on Eumenes, took his sword from his hand and bound his hands behind him with a garter. On the 4th day after the battle, they delivered him bound to Nicanor who was sent by Antigonus to receive him. Eumenes desired nothing of Nicanor but that he would lead him through the midst of the Macedonians and give him permission to speak his last words to them. When this was done, he went before his keepers into Antigonus' camp followed by the army which had betrayed their own commander and who were now themselves no better than so many captive slaves. They went in triumph of themselves into their conqueror's camp. To make it a complete triumph, the elephants and the auxiliaries from India brought up the rear. Antigonus, for very shame and reverence of the old friendship that had been between them, did not allow Eumenes to be brought into his sight but assigned him to certain soldiers to keep him. (Plutarch in Eumene: Justin, l. 14. c. 4.)

2516. Among those that were wounded, Hieronumus of Cardia, the Historian was brought. He was always held in great esteem with Eumenes during his life. After his death, he was held in great favour also by Antigonus. (Diod. Sic. l. 19. year 1. Olymp. 116.) This Hieronimus wrote a book as Diodorus (l. 18. p. 62.) and Josephus, (l. 1. cont. Apionem, p. 1050.) call it, or (as Dionysius Halicarnaslaeus in the poem of Roman Antiquities calls it). It was concerning the successors of Alexander the Great and the general history of his own time.

2517. When Antigonus had now gotten both Eumenes and all his army into his hands, he first laid hold on Antigenes, the commander of the silver targeteers. He put him alive into a coffin and burnt him to ashes. Then he executed Eudamus, who brought Eumenes elephants from India, and Celbanus and some others who opposed him. (Diod. Sic.)

2518. When Onomarchus the captain of the watch asked Antigonus, how he would have Eumenes to be kept, he replied that as you would keep a raging lion or an unruly elephant. Later he relented and he ordered his heavy chains to be removed and a boy of his own to be allowed to attend him and to help to anoint him. He allowed Eumenes' friends to visit him and to supply him with necessaries. Although his own son Demetrius and Nearchus the Cretian were desirous to spare him and tried to save his life, almost all the rest that were about Antigonus urged him to kill Eumenes. In spite of all this, Antigonus took 7 days to think about it. When he feared least his army might rebel, he ordered that no man would be allowed to come to Eumenes. He ordered him to be given no food because he said that he would not kill him who had formerly been his friend. When Eumenes had neither eaten nor drank in 8 day's time and the camp was suddenly to be moved and a man was sent and cut Eumenes' throat. Antigonus knew nothing of this and in respect to his former friendship, he ordered his corpse to be turned over to his closest friends to be buried as they thought fit. They burned it in an honourable and military way. All the army following the bier and burnt it. They gathered his bones into a silver urn and took care to deliver them to his wife and children in Cappadocia. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 116. Plutarch and Emil. Prob. in Eumene.)

2519. Antigonus returned into Media with his whole army and spent the rest of the winter in a town not far from Ecbatane. He distributed his army here and there all over that province and especially in the country of Rages. It was called that from f[r because there had been more than 2000 cities and towns destroyed by earthquakes in those parts according to Strabo (l. 11. p. 514.) from Possidomus. Antigonus discovered that Pithon the governor of Media tried to ingratiate many of his soldiers with generous gifts and promises and to encourage them to revolt from him. Antigonus handled the matter very astutely. He let it be known that he planned to make Pithon governor of the upper provinces and give him a sufficiently large army for that purpose. He also wrote letters to Pithon and earnestly asked him to come quickly to him so they could consult together on some important matters so that he could immediately march into lesser Asia. By these and other letters sent to Pithon from his supposed friends, Pithon, who was then in the remotest parts of all Media in his winter quarters, came to Antigonus. As soon as Antigonus had him, he called him before a council of war. They quickly found him guilty and chopped off his head. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 116.)

3689c AM, 4399 JP, 315 BC

2520. Antigonus gathered all his army together and committed the government of Media to Orontobazes, a Median. He made Hippostratus the general of his army who had 3500 foreign foot soldiers under him. Antigonus took the main body of his army to Ecbatane where he got 5000 talents of solid silver. Then he marched into Persia and after a 20 day march, he arrived at Persepolis, its capital city. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 116)

2521. While Antigonus was on his way there, the friends of Pithon, (those that were in on Pithon's conspiracy of which Meleager and Menoetas were the leaders) and followers of Pithon and Eumenes came from those parts to the country and met together. They had about 800 cavalry. They first attacked the lands and possessions of the Medes who refused to join with them in this rebellion. Then they attacked Herostrotus and Orontobazus' camp by night. They almost overcame the outer works but had to retire because they were outnumbered. They only persuaded a few Medes to follow them. Some of the nimblest of the cavalry made many incursions on the country people and raised many disturbances among them. At last they were enclosed in a place surrounded by rocks and cliffs. There some were killed and the rest captured. Meleager and Ocranes and the better men of them who would not surrender, died fighting. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 116.)

2522. As soon as Antigonus came to Persia, the people honoured him like a king and proclaimed him master of all Asia. He called a council of his friends and he propounded to them the matter of the government of the various provinces to be considered. They decided to give Carmania to Tlepolemus, Bactria to Stasanor and Parapamisus to Oxyartes the father of Roxane since they could not easily remove them from their posts. Evitus was sent to Aria and he died soon after he came there. Euagoras who was a man of outstanding valour and grave wisdom, replaced him. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 116.)

2523. Antigonus sent for Sibyrtius from Arachosia who was his friend. He confirmed him in his government of that province and gave him 1000 of the most rebellious silver targeteers who had betrayed Eumenes. He appointed them to him under the pretence of helping him in the war. His real reason was to kill them for he ordered Sibyrtius to use them in the risky work until he had destroyed them. Antigonus did not want any of them to ever return to Macedonia or see Greece again. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 116. with Plut, in Eumene and Polyamus, Stratag. l. 4.)

2524. When Antigonus found that Pencestes was highly respected in Persia, he planned to remove him from his government. When all the Persians complained about this, Thespias one of the leaders, spoke publicly against it. He said that the Persians would only be governed by Pencestes. Antigonus had Thespias killed and made Asclepiodorus, the governor of Persia. He strung Pencestes along with vain hopes of better things until he had drawn him out of Persia. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 116.)

2525. While Antigonus was on his way to Susa, Xenophilus, who had the keeping of the kings treasure at Susa, was sent by Seleucus and met Antigonus at Pasitigris and offered Antigonus his service in whatever he required. Antigonus received him very graciously and pretended that he honoured him more than all his friends. Antigonus feared least he might happen to change his mind and keep him out when he came to Susa. When he came into the citadel of Susa, he took it over for himself. He got the golden vine and a number of objects of art totalling 15,000 talents. All this he made into coins. In addition to the crowns of gold and other presents and spoils taken from the enemy which amounted to 5000 more talents, he took 25,000 talents out of Media. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 116.)

3689d AM, 4399 JP, 315 BC

2526. Antigonus put Aspisus, a native of the country, as the new governor of the province of Susa. He planned to carry away all this money to the sea coast in Asia. He had wagons made for this purpose and journeyed toward Babylon. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 116.)

2527. After 22 days, he arrived at Babylon and Seleucus, the governor of that province, received him with all royal presents and feasted his whole army. Antigonus wanted him to give an account of all the money in the public treasury which he had received there since he was appointed to his position. Seleucus replied that he was not bound to give an account for that which was given him by the Macedonians for the service which he had done for Alexander in his lifetime. When hostilities grew daily between them, Seleucus knew he was too weak to tackle Antigonus and feared lest he be killed like Pithon. He stole away with only 50 cavalry in his company and fled to Ptolemy in Egypt. All the world spoke of how good Ptolemy was to all those that fled to him for refuge. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 116. and Appia. in his Syriaca. p. 121.)

2528. Antigonus was quite happy that he had been able to take over Babylon without having to kill his old friend. The Chaldeans told him, that if he let Seleucus go, all Asia would be his and he would one day lose his life in a battle against him. He repented that he had let him go and sent men after him to take and bring him back again. After they had pursued him for awhile, they gave up and returned to Antigonus. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 116.) Thereupon, he removed Blirores, the governor of Mesopotamia for allowing Seleucus to pass that way. (Appia. in his Syriaca. p. 121.)

2529. When Seleucus was safely in Egypt, Ptolemy entertained him very graciously. When he told Ptolemy all the things Antigonus had done against him, he persuaded Ptolemy to fight against Antigonus. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 116. with Pausanias in his Attica, p. 5.)

3690 AM, 4400 JP, 314 BC

2530. From there Seleucus with some his closest friends went to Europe, to persuade Cassander, who then commanded all in Macedonia and Lysimachus, who was over Thracia, to wage war on Antigonus. Antigonus suspected his intentions and sent his agents to Ptolemy, Cassander and Lysimachus, to request their love and friendship to him as in former times. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 116.) However, Seleucus carried the day so that they all joined together with him in a firm league against Antigonus. (Appia. in his Syriaca. p. 121.)

2531. Antigonus had made Pithon, who came from India, governor of Babylon. Then he marched toward Cilicia and came to Mallos, a city in Cilicia. There he distributed his army into their winter quarters since it was the time when Orion arose in our month of November. He received 10,000 talents in the city of Quindi of the same province. He received 11,000 talents more from the yearly revenue of the place. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 116.)

2532. When Antigonus had gone into upper Syria, ambassadors came to him from Ptolemy, Cassander and Lysimachus. They came to him as he sat in council and made their demands according to their instructions. Antigonus was to surrender all Cappadocia and Lycia to Cassander. Phrygia that bordered on Hellespont was to be turned over to Lysimachus. All Syria was to be given to Ptolemy and the province of Babylon to Seleucus. All the public money which he had taken since the death of Eumenes was to be shared equally among them. Antigonus replied roughly that he was now making war on Ptolemy and that his purpose was not to have any partners in either the peril or the profit. (Diod. and Appia. ut sup. Justin, l. 15. c. 1.)

2533. When the ambassadors returned with this answer, Ptolemy, Cassander and Lysimachus prepared immediately to fight against Antigonus by sea and land. (Id.) When Antigonus knew what a gathering storm was about to break over his head, he sought the alliances of other cities and countries and princes to help him is this war. To this end, he sent Agesilaus to the king of Cyprus, Idomeneus and Moschion to Rhodes and Ptolemy, his own brother's son, in Cappadocia, with an army and Aristodemus into Laconia with 1000 talents to hire soldiers there. He placed couriers and watchmen throughout all Asia which was wholly at his command to quickly send him news of anything that happened.

2534. When this was done he marched into Phoenicia and camped near Tyre. He ordered them to provide him with a fleet. He sent for the petty kings and governors of those parts to come to him. When they came, he asked them to join with him in supplying a fleet and in building more ships. All the ships that belonged to Phoenicia were at that time with Ptolemy in Egypt. He ordered them to bring him 4,500,000 bushels of wheat. This was the annual expense of keeping his army. He then had men fell timber and build ships. He used 8000 men and 1000 beasts of burden to move the materials for the ships from Mount Lebanon to the sea side. (Diod. and Appia. ut sup. Justin, l. 15. c. 1.)

2535. While Antigonus was busy building a fleet and had his camp by the seaside, Seleucus sailed past with 100 well outfitted ships. He sailed along in a scornful manner under their very noses. Antigonus' new associates where greatly troubled by this. Antigonus encouraged them and said that by the end of summer, they would see him put to sea with a fleet of 500 ships as good as those. Meanwhile Agesilaus returned with his embassy from Cyprus and brought word that Nicocreon and the most powerful kings of that island had already confederated with Ptolemy. However, Citticus, Lapithus, Marrius and Cirenytes would join with him. Thereupon Antigonus left 3000 men under the command of Andronicus, to maintain the siege against Tyre. With the rest of the army he marched against Gaza and Joppa which held out against him and took them by force. Any of Ptolemy's men he found there, he distributed among his own companies to serve him in his wars. He placed garrisons in both places to keep them in obedience. He returned to his standing camp before Tyre, and prepared all necessaries for a siege against it. (Diod. Sic. Appia. his Syriaca p. 121. Justin, l. 15. c. 1.)

2536. At the same time Aristo, who was entrusted to carry Craterus' bones, delivered them to Phila, the daughter of Antipater, who was married first to Craterus and later to Demetrius. Antigonus had persuaded her father to have his son Demetrius marry her. (??) He was not happy with the match because she was so much older than he. He would always toast him in the feast with that saying from Eurypedes.

``In marriage look to thy gain, Though nature sometimes doth restrain.''

2537. He changed the saying by replacing "to serve" by "to marry". He meant that a man must do anything to serve his own ambitions. (??) Phila was a woman who was reputed to excel both in wit and wisdom. Thereby she often repressed the tumultuous spirits of the most turbulent soldiers in the army. She preferred in marriage at her own cost, the sisters and daughters of the poorer sort among them. (Id. with Plut. in the life of Demetrius.)

2538. Aristodemus was sent with other captains into Laconia. He got permission from the Spartans, to raise soldiers and got 8000 troops from Peloponesus. In a conference with Polysperchon and his son Alexander they made a firm alliance with Antigonus and made Polysperchon their general. Aristodemus made Polysperchon commander over the forces which he had raised in Peloponesus and had Alexander cross over into Asia to Antigonus. (Diod. Sic.)

2539. Ptolemy, another of Antigonus' captains, went with an army into Cappadocia. He found the city Amisus besieged by Asclepiodorus, a captain of Cassander. He raised the siege and secured the place and sent Asclepiodorus running. Subject to certain conditions, he recovered that whole province for Antigonus. He marched through Bithynia and came up on the back of Zibytes, king of Bithynia while he was busy in the siege of two cities at once. One city belonged to the Assacenians and the other to the Chalcedonians. Ptolemy forced him to raise his siege from both cities. Both cities surrendered to Ptolemy and gave him hostages as a pledge of their loyalty. Ptolemy then moved toward Ionia and Lydia because Antigonus had written to him to secure that coast as quickly as possible. He had intelligence that Seleucus was going into those parts with his fleet. Seleucus had indeed already come and besieged the city Erythrae. When he heard that Ptolemy, the nephew of Antigonus was coming, he left it and went away as he came. (Diod. Sic.)

2540. Meanwhile Alexander, the son Polysperchon, came to Antigonus. Before the whole army including the strangers that were in it, Antigonus publicly declared to them what Cassander had done. He said he would avenge the murder of Olympias by Cassander and deliver Alexander his king's son with his mother Roxane from the prison in Amphipolis. He would break off that yoke which Cassander had laid upon all the cities of Greece by putting his garrisons into them. Antigonus sent back Alexander, Polysperchon's son, with 500 more talents into Peloponesius. (Diod. Sic. with Justin l. 15. c. 1.)

2541. When Antigonus had received a fleet from Rhodes along with his other recently built ships, he sailed for Tyre. Since he was master of the sea, he blockaded them by sea and starved them. Thereby that city was in great distress. (Diod. Sic.)

2542. When Ptolemy of Egypt, heard the declaration Antigonus had made with the Macedonians concerning the delivery of all Greeks from the rule of Cassander, Ptolemy did the same. He was desirous that all the world know that he was no less zealous for the liberty of all Greeks than Antigonus was. Asander the governor of Caria who was a man of great power and had many large cities under his command joined with Ptolemy. Although Ptolemy had formerly sent 3000 soldiers to the kings of Cyprus, yet he now sent them 10,000 more under the command of Myrmidon an Athenian born and 100 ships commanded by Polyclitus. He made his brother Menelaus general over the whole force. (Diod. Sic.)

2543. When these came to Cyprus, Seleucus and his fleet met them. In a council of war they determined their plan of action. They decided that Polyclitus with 50 ships would pass into Peloponesus and there make war on Aristodemus, Polysperchon and Polysperchon's son, Alexander. Myrmidon with an army of foreigners would go into Caria, there to help Asander the governor of that province against Ptolemy, a captain of Antigonus who warred with Asander. Seleucus and Menelaus would stay in Cyprus to support Nicocreon the king and the rest of their confederates against their enemies who warred against them. When they divided their forces, Seleucus went and took Cerynia and Lapithus. When he persuaded Stasiaecus, king of the Malenses, to join his side, he forced the prince of the Amathusians to give him hostages for his safety in time to come. The city of Citium would not come to an agreement with him, therefore he besieged it with his whole army. (Diod. Sic.)

2544. About the same time, 40 ships sailed to Antigonus from the Hellespont and Rhodes under the command of one Themison their admiral. After this Dioscorides came with 80 more ships. Antigonus already had a navy of 120 ships of his own recently built in Phoenicia. Now counting the ones besieging Tyre he had a navy of 240 ships: 90 of four tiers of oars, 10 of five, 3 of nine, 10 of ten and 130 were open galleys. He divided this navy and sent 50 of them into Peloponesus and the rest he committed to help his friends as required. He wanted to have the islands which still held out against him, join his side. (Diod. Sic.)

2545. Polyclitus, Seleucus' lieutenant, sailed from Cyprus and came to Cenchrea which was a port of Corinth. When he found that Alexander, Polysperchon's son, had defected from Antigonus to Cassander and was no longer an enemy he sailed for Pamphylia. From there he sailed to Aphrodisiades in Cilicia. Here he learned that Theodotus, a captain of Antigonus' navy, had passed by from Patara a port of Lycia. He had the Rhodian fleet that was manned by sailors from Caria. He also learned that Perilaus with a land army, followed along by the shore for the defence of the fleet if required. In this case he used his wits to defeat him. He landed his men and placed them near a suitable place where the land army must pass. He with the fleet went and anchored behind a cape near the place and awaited the coming of the enemy. It happened that when Perilaus' army came, he fell into the ambush that was laid for him. He was taken prisoner. Some of his men were slain and the rest were captured alive. When the fleet at sea saw the land army engaged, they hurried to their relief. Polyclitus, attacked them in this confusion, with his ships in good formation and easily routed them. So Polyclitus captured all their ships and most of the men in them. Theodorus, their Admiral, died shortly after this from his wounds. (Diod. Sic.)

2546. When Polyclitus had such good success, first he sailed back to Cyprus and later to Pelusium in Egypt. Ptolemy richly rewarded him for so great a service. He promoted him to a far higher dignity and place of honour than he was in before because he was the author of so great a victory. He released Perilaus and some other of the prisoners whom Antigonus desired through a messenger he sent to him. Ptolemy went to Ecregma to a parley with Antigonus. When Antigonus refusing to grant him what he demanded, he left and returned to Egypt. (Diod. Sic.)

3691 AM, 4401 JP, 313 BC

2547. Cassander marched with an army from Macedonia into Caria. He wanted to help the cities which had allied themselves with Ptolemy and Seleucus. He also wanted to hinder Antigonus from coming into Europe. The commanders of this army, Asander the governor of Caria and Prepelaus heard that Ptolemy the general of Antigonus in those parts had his winter quarters for his army there. Also he was now busy in the burying of his father who had recently died. They sent Eupolemus with 8000 foot soldiers and 2000 cavalry Caprima in Caria to lie in ambush for him. Ptolemy found out about it by some that defected to him. He got together 8300 foot soldiers and 600 cavalry. He attacked them in their trenches and found them there all fast asleep. He took Eupolemus prisoner and forced all the rest to submit to his discretion. (Diod. Sic. year 3 Olymp. 116.)

3691 AM, 4401 JP, 313 BC

2548. When Antigonus saw that Cassander wanted to be master of Asia, he left his son Demetrius in Syria with instructions to intercept Ptolemy's men. He suspected they were coming with an army further up into Syria. He left his son 10,000 foreign foot soldiers, 2000 Macedonians, 500 from Lycia and Pamphylia, 400 Persian arches and slingers, 5000 cavalry and more than 40 elephants. He left four men as counsellors, Nearchon, Pithon who came recently from Babylon, Andromicus and Philippus. These were all men of mature age and judgment. They had served Alexander the Great in his exploits. Demetrius was a young man not more than 22 years old. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 116.)

2549. Antigonus took the rest of the army and went to cross the Taurus Mountains. There was a heavy snow storm and he lost many of his men. Thereupon he returned back into Cilicia and was told of an easier less dangerous way to cross that mountain. He came to Ceraenae in Phrygia and made his winter quarters for his army. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 116.)

2550. After Tyre had withstood a 15 month siege, it conditionally surrendered to Antigonus. The men of Ptolemy, the king of Egypt, were allowed to leave with their belongings. Andronicus was left there to hold the place with a garrison. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 116. & year. 1. Olymp. 117. ??)

2551. Antigonus sent for Medius to come to him with his fleet which he had in Phoenicia. On his way he met with the fleet of the city Pydna. He captured it and brought both it and all the men in it to Antigonus. (Diod. Sic. year. 3. Olympiad. 116.)

2552. Asander, the governor of Caria, being overwhelmed by the enemy, came to this agreement with Antigonus. He would give all his army to Antigonus. All the Greek cities there could live according to their own laws. Asander would hold the government which he had there, as a grant from Antigonus and would be a loyal friend to Antigonus. As security, he gave his own brother Agathon as a pledge. However, a short time later he changed his mind. He got his brother from them and sent his agents to Ptolemy and Seleucus to come speedily and help him. Antigonus took this rather badly and sent his naval and land forces to attack the free Greek cities. To this end, he made Medius his general of the army and Docimus his admiral of the navy. When they came to Milesum, he challenged the inhabitants to fight for their freedom. They captured the citadel and placed a garrison there. They restored the city to her original freedom again. (??) (Diod. Sic. year 4. Olymp. 116.)

2553. Meanwhile Antigonus took Tralles and attacked the city Caunus. He sent for his fleet and took the city except the citadel. He made a trench around it and made continual assaults on it where it looked like there might be places he could break through. He had sent Ptolemy to the city Iassus. However, he was forced to come back and join with Antigonus. So all these cities came at that time under his control. (Diod. Sic. year 4. Olymp. 116.)

3692 AM, 4402 JP, 312 BC

2554. The Cyrenians defected from Ptolemy and fiercely besieged the citadel there. They had almost taken it when messengers from Alexandria came and persuaded them to stop. They decapitated them and worked harder than ever to take the citadel. Ptolemy was rather upset by this and sent his captain, Agis, with an army there. He sent a navy under the command of Epaenetus to help Agis. Agis pursued the war against these rebels vigorously and took the city of Cyrene. He imprisoned the authors of this sedition and then sent them bound to Alexandria. He disarmed the rest. when he had set things in order there, he returned into Egypt. (Diod. Sic. year. 1. Olymp. 117.)

2555. After this success in Cyrene, Ptolemy sailed with his fleet to Cyprus to fight against those who rebelled there against their kings. He captured and executed Pygmalion, who worked with Antigonus. He imprisoned Praxippus king of the Lapithi and the prince of Cerynnia, who was suspected of a revolt. Likewise he imprisoned Stasiaecus, a petty king of the Malians and destroyed their city. He relocated the inhabitants from there to Paphos. After this, he made Nicocreon commander over all Cyprus and gave him the cities together with the revenues of all the kings which he had expelled from their dominions. Then he went with his army into the upper Syria and sacked the cities of Possideum and Potamos in Caria. Then he went quickly with a light army and took Mallus in Cilicia. He sold all the inhabitants into slavery and wasted all the region around there. When he had made his army rich from plunder, he sailed back again to Cyprus. (Diod. Sic. year. 1. Olymp. 117.)

2556. Meanwhile, Demetrius, the son of Antigonus, stayed in Coelosyria awaiting the coming of the Egyptians. When he heard what damage Ptolemy had done to so many cities in Syria, he left Pithon to command in those parts. He left his heavily armed soldiers and elephants with Pithon and he with his cavalry and companies of lightly armed soldiers rushed toward Cilicia to help save them from Ptolemy. He came too late and found the enemies had already gone. He speedily returned to his camp again and ruined many of his horses on the way. In 6 days, he marched from Mallus which is normally a 24 day journey by their ordinary marches. So that through rapid travel, none of the servants of cavalry were able to keep up to them. (Diod. Sic. year. 1. Olymp. 117.)

2557. When Ptolemy saw everything going as he wanted it, he returned to Egypt. Not long after Seleucus urged him to attack Antigonus because Seleucus hated Antigonus. Therefore Ptolemy planned to march into Coelosyria and attack Demetrius. He gathered all his army together, he marched from Alexandria to Pelusium. He had 18,000 foot soldiers and 4000 cavalry of which some were Macedonians and some were mercenaries. Some Egyptians helped carry their darts, weapons and other baggage of the army and some went as soldiers. When they crossed the desert from Pelusium, Ptolemy camped near the old city of Gaza and awaited the enemy's arrival. (Diod. Sic. year. 1. Olymp. 117.)

2558. In the 117th olympiad, Ptolemy defeated Demetrius, the son of Antigonus in a main battle near Gaza. Ptolemy was called after this, Poliorcetes, that is "the city taker" according to Castor the Historian reports as cited by Josephus. (l. 1. cont. Apion. p. 1048.) Diodorus gives the details of the battle in his history of that olympiad. He says that 8000 were taken prisoners and about 500 killed. This should be amended from Plutarch who says 5000 were killed. Among the nobles who were killed was Pithon, who was at that time joint commander with Demetrius and Boeotus who had lived a long time with Antigonus the father and was ever knowledgable about his plans and affairs.

2559. Ptolemy and Seleucus took Gaza. However Demetrius, by the help of a good pair of spurs came to Azotus about the next midnight after riding about 34 miles. From there he sent messengers to beg the bodies of his dead for burial. Ptolemy and Seleucus immediately granted this and also sent back his own pavilion with all its furniture gratis and without ransom. They added a generous message that they fought not for pay but for honour and to see who should wear the garland. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 117. Plutarch. in Demetrio, and Justin. l. 15. c. 1.)

2560. Demetrius was no longer able to hold out in the position he was in. He sent a messenger with his letters to his father who was in Phrygia. He asked for help and to come quickly. Demetrius said he was coming to Tripoli in Phoenicia. He sent for the soldiers that were in Cilicia and elsewhere in remote garrisons from the enemies quarters, to come to him. (Diod. Sic.)

2561. When Antigonus heard the news, he said that Ptolemy had now gotten the victory over a company of beardless boys. Next time he would fight with men. So not to discourage his son and because his son wanted another fight with Ptolemy, Antigonus said he could fight with him alone if he wanted to. (Plutarch. in Demetrio.)

2562. Ptolemy sent the prisoners whom he had taken to Egypt. They were distributed among the various regiments of his fleet. When he had honourably interred his dead troops, he marched on and attacked the cities and strong places of Phoenicia. Some he besieged and he persuaded others to yield to him. When he captured Sidon he went and camped before Tyre. He sent to Andronicus, the captain of the garrison, to surrender the city to him. He gave him generous promises of wealth and honour. He replied that he would never betray the trust which Antigonus and his son Demetrius had put in him and said many harsh things against Ptolemy. However a little later his soldiers rebelled and he was taken by Ptolemy. He overlooked the harsh words he had spoken against him and highly rewarded him. He took Andronicus into the number of his friends and regarded him highly. (Diod. Sic.)

2563. Seleucus took with him 1000 foot soldiers from Ptolemy's (as Appianus has it, for Diodorus says only 800.) and 200 cavalry. With so small a force he went to recover his government of the province of Babylon. When he came with them into Mesopotamia, he there dealt with the Macedonians he found living in Carran. He persuaded some to follow him, others he forced to go along with him in his journey. No sooner had he set foot within the territory of Babylon, then the inhabitants came flocking to him and offered him their service in the recovering of his government. Polyarchus also, who held some kind of office among them, came to him to receive his commands and brought 1000 armed troops to him. When those who sided with Antigonus knew of his popularity with the people, they all fled to the citadel which was commanded by Diphilus. Seleucus besieged it and took it by force. He released from there the children and friends of his that Antigonus had imprisoned when Seleucus had fled to Egypt for fear. When this was done, he started raising soldiers in the country. He bought horses and distributed them among those who were able to ride them. With all of them be behaved fairly and friendly. He secured their loyalty so they were all ready to risk any hazard with him. So for the third time he again recovered all his government of Babylon. (Diod. Sic. with Appian. in his Syriaca, p. 121.)

2564. Nicanor, whom Antigonus had made governor of the province of Media, marched against Seleucus with 10,000 foot soldiers and 7000 cavalry. Seleucus immediately went to meet him with a little more than 3000 foot soldiers and 400 cavalry. When he had crossed the Tigris River, he heard that the enemy was not far off. He hid his men in the marshes around there and planned to ambush Nicanor. When Nicanor came to the bank of the Tigris River, he could not find the enemy and camped near to a post house of the kings. Little did he think that the enemy was so near. The next night he was not even thinking about the enemy and did not post a proper military watch. Seleucus attacked him and raised a great tumult in his army. When the Persians started to fight back, Euager their general along with other commanders were killed. After this fight most of Nicanor's army abandoned him and defected to Seleucus. They did not like the fix they were in nor did they care for Antigonus. Thereupon Nicanor feared what would happen next lest his soldiers turn him over to Seleucus. He stole away with some few of his friends, and fled home through the desert into Media again. (Diod. Sic.)

2565. When Seleucus had gotten this powerful army, he still behaved well toward all men and easily subdued the provinces of Media, Susa and the other bordering countries. He quickly sent Ptolemy word how he had regained his full regal power and majesty. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 117.) Based on this, Eusebius counts this as the first year of Seleucus' reign. All note that the Edesseni begin their epoch here. The story of the Maccabees' account of the Greek reign begins here. Without a doubt this is from the autumn of this very year, that is, from September or October of the year 4402 JP. Starting at that time, the writer of the second book of Maccabees calculates his Greek years, and the Jews there, "eram Contractium", i.e. "their account of Contracts", and those of Edessa, and other Syrians, in their "Epoch of the Seleucian Kingdom", and the Arabians, "the years of Alexander Dehiplarnain", as they call them. Yet the writer of the first book of Maccabees begins his account of the Greek year, from the previous spring to this autumn and Ptolemy of Alexandria, in his great Syntaxis begins his Chaldean account, from the next spring.

3693a AM, 4402 JP, 312 BC

2566. While Ptolemy of Egypt remained still in Coelosyria, he sent one of his friends, called Cilles, a Macedonian, with a large army against Demetrius. He was camped in upper Syria and Ptolemy wanted Cilles to fight with him and either drive him out of Syria or confine him there and destroy him. Demetrius was told this by his spies that Cilles with his army camped at Myus carelessly without keeping a proper watch. He left his baggage behind him, marched away with a company of light-footed troops. They travelled all night and a little before daybreak they attacked Cilles' camp. They turned it into chaos and captured Cilles with 7000 soldiers and much booty besides. Since he thought Ptolemy was coming later with all his army, he pitched his camp in a place where he had a bog on the one hand and a large lake on the other side to protect him. (Diod. Sic. year. 1. Olymp. 117. & Plut. in Demetrio.)

2567. Demetrius sent news of this good success to his father Antigonus at Celenae in Phrygia. He asked him to quickly send an army or to come himself in person into Syria. When Antigonus read the letter, he was overjoyed by the news of the victory and his son's conduct in managing the battle. He showed himself a man worthy to wear the crown after Antigonus. (Diodor.) Demetrius, with his father's permission, sent back Cilles and all his friends to Ptolemy again. Thereby, he was no longer indebted to Ptolemy for his former kindness to him. (Plut.)

2568. Antigonus with his army moved from Phrygia and in a few days crossed the Taurus Mountains and came to his son Demetrius. Ptolemy followed the advice of his council and decided to leave Syria. Before he left, he laid waste and destroyed the main cities which he had captured. These included, Acon in Syrophoenicia, Joppa, Samaria and Gaza of Syria. He took whatever he could carry from there and returned to Egypt loaded with wealth. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 117.)

2569. A great number of men who lived there noticed his good disposition and clemency of nature. They wanted to return with him to Egypt. Among those was Ezechias, a high priest of the Jews. (Perhaps a secondary one, for the chief high priest at that time was Onias the first) Ezechias was about 66 years old and highly respected among his people, very eloquent and had much experience in the affairs of the world. This and much more concerning this Ezechias is told by Hecaraeus the historian (who conversed with him in Ptolemy's army) in a peculiar Treatise which he wrote about the Jews. He tells a long story about another Jew, whom he became acquainted with, named Mosollamo. or Meshullamo. His story is:

``When I went toward the Red Sea, there was one among the rest, of a troop of cavalry of the Jews who escorted us, a man called Mosollamus. He was a high-spirited man and the best archer of all the company. He saw a certain wizard in the company who stood still. He desired all the company to do the same while he observed a certain bird that flew so he could divine by it. Mosollamus asked him why he stood still. When the wizard showed him the bird which he was watching and said that it would be best for the company to stay there if the bird would stay where she was. If she arose and flew before them then they should go forward too. If she flew back, then all the company ought also to return. Mosollamus said nothing but drew his bow and shot and killed the bird. The wizard and others there present were angry about this and shamed him for his actions. He replied that why were they angry with him and why do you pick up this unlucky bird? How could the bird that did not know what was about to happen to it, predict what would happen to them on their journey? If she had any knowledge of things to come, she would never have come there to be shot to death by Mossollamus a Jew.''

2570. Many things besides this are told by Josephus, (in his book, contra. Apion.) from the same book concerning the Jews. He says that at that time there were 1500 priests who received tithes and governed all things belonging to the commonwealth. Demetrius Phalareus, in his Epistle to Ptolemaeus Philadelphus, (found in Aristeas his book of the 70 Interpreters and in the same Josephus, l. 12. Antiquit. c. 2.) from the same author tells us the reason why no heathen poet or historian mentions either of those sacred books or of those men who lived according to the rules set down in them. These books contain a sacred and a venerable rule which was not to be uttered by unhallowed mouths.

3693 AM, 4403 JP, 311 BC

2571. Antigonus had recovered all Syria and Phoenicia without fighting a battle. He journeyed to the country of the Arabians, called the Nabathaeans. He thought they never really favoured his actions. Therefore he appointed one of his friends called Athenaeus, with 4000 foot soldiers and 600 light cavalry to attack them and get as much spoil as he could. About that time of the year, all the neighbouring countries came together to a common market to sell their wares. The Nabathaeans went to this market according to their custom. They left their wealth and the old men with their wives and children on the top of a rock. Athenaeus waited for this opportunity and quickly marched to this rock. He left the province of Edom and marched 275 miles in 3 days and 3 nights time. Late in the night he surprised the Arabians and captured the rock. He killed some of the soldiers there and took some prisoners. He left their wounded behind. He took a large quantity of their myrrh and frankincense with 500 talents of silver. He did not stay there more than 3 hours lest the neighbouring countries attack him. He returned immediately again. They had gone only 25 miles and could go no further because they were so tired. Therefore they rested and did not set a watch for they thought the people could not reach them for 2 or 3 days. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 117.)

2572. When the Arabians knew what had happened by those who had seen the enemy army, they left the market and returned to the rock. The wounded told them which way the army had gone and the Arabs followed them. Athenaeus' men kept no watch and after their long journey were weary and fast asleep. Some of their prisoners stole away from them. They told the Arabs where the enemy camp was. They hurried to the place and arrived about 3 in the morning. They attacked their trenches and killed 8000 of them as they lay sleeping in their tents. Any that resisted were killed. They utterly destroyed all their foot soldiers and only 50 of their cavalry escaped and most of them were wounded too. So the Nabathaeans recovered their goods and returned to the rock. They sent a letter to Antigonus written in Syriac. They complained of Athenaeus and his wrong doing and excused themselves. Antigonus wrote back again cunningly telling them that Athenaeus was well enough treated by them. He blamed Athanaeus for his actions and assured them that he had issued no such order to do that. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 117.) When Antigonus had appeased and deceived these poor Nabathaeans, a little later he selected from all his army, 4000 foot soldiers. They were lightly armed and the swiftest on their feet that he could find. He added 4000 cavalry to the troops and wanted them to take in their knapsacks, a supply of food for the journey that would not need to be cooked. He had Demetrius, his son, to command them. He sent them away early in the night with orders to avenge his loss. Demetrius travelled 3 day's journey through the desert and hurried to attack them by surprise. However, the scouts saw them coming and made fires to signal their coming into that country. Thereupon the Arabs presently climbed to the top of their rock. There was only one way to get up and that was by climbing by hand. They left their belongings there with a sufficient guard to keep it. The rest went and drove away their cattle, some to one place, some to another in the desert. When Demetrius came to the rock and saw all the cattle were driven away he started to besiege the rock. They manfully defended it and by the advantage of the place and that day had the upper hand. At last Demetrius was forced to withdraw. Since he saw that he could not defeat them, he made a peace with them. They gave him hostages and such gifts as were agreed upon between them. He moved with his army about 40 miles and camped near the Lake Asphaltis or Dead Sea. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 116) Plutarch says that he went there with a huge booty and 700 camels.

2573. When Demetrius returned to Antigonus, he told his father what happened. Antigonus blamed him for making peace with the Nabathaeans and said that those barbarous people would become more insolent since they had escaped. However, he commended him for discovering the Lake Asphaltis since from there he might raise some yearly revenue for himself. He made Hieronymus Cardianus the historian, his treasurer for that revenue. Josephus (l. 1. cont. Apion.) notes that he was made governor of Syria by Antigonus. Josephus very deservedly blames Heironymus that in his writings, he makes no mention of the Jews since he lived near to them and almost among them. Hieronymus was commanded to build ships and to gather together in one place all the bitumen or liquid brimstone that could be extracted from that lake. The 6000 Arabians attacked them as they were in their ships gathering this brimstone and killed almost all of them with arrows. Hence, Antigonus lost all hope of making any regular revenue that way. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 116)

2574. Antigonus, learned from letters by Nicanor the governor of Media and others, how Seleucus prospered in those parts. He sent his son Demetrius with 5000 Macedonian foot soldiers, 10,000 mercenaries and 4000 cavalry. He was ordered to march to the very walls of Babylon. When he had recovered that province, he was to march down to the sea. Demetrius left Damascus in Syria and went to execute his father's commands. As soon as Patrocles, whom Seleucus had left as governor of Babylon, heard that Demetrius was coming into Mesopotamia, he dared not to check his coming because he had only a small force with him. He ordered the rest to leave the city and when they had crossed the Euphrates, they should flee. Some should go into the desert, while others over the Tigris River into the province of Susa and to the Persian Sea: He with the forces he had would trust in the sandbars of the rivers and dikes of the country for defences instead of so many fortresses and bulwarks. He stayed within the bounds of his own government and thought how to entrap his enemy. He kept Seleucus in Media informed how things went with him and desired help to be speedily sent to him. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 116)

2575. When Demetrius came to Babylon and found the city itself devoid of inhabitants, he started to besiege the forts and citadels that were there. When he had taken one, he gave its spoil to the soldiers. He turned out Seleucus' men, put his garrison of 7000 soldiers in their place. He was not able to take any others and after a long seige he departed and left Archelaus, one of his loyal friends to maintain the siege with 5000 foot soldiers and 1000 cavalry. When Demetrius had run out of time that his father had allowed for this expedition, he ordered his soldiers to steal for themselves whatever they could from that province. Then he journeyed back to Asia. By this action, he left Seleucus more grounded and better settled in his government than before. Men said why would Demetrius waste and spoil the country if he planned to take it over? (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 116 with Plut. in Demetrio.) Thereupon the Chaldeans reckon the beginning of the Seleucian reign in Babylon from this time rather than an earlier time.

2576. Demetrius returned to Asia and quickly raised the siege which Ptolemy had laid to Halicarnasius. (Plut. in Demetrio.)

2577. Cassander, Ptolemy and Lysimachus, made peace with Antigonus, upon these conditions. Cassander would command all in Europe until Alexander the son of Roxane came of age. Lysimachus would hold Thrace and Ptolemy Egypt along with the bordering countries of Libya and Arabia. Antigonus would have the command of all Asia to himself. This agreement did not last long for everyone used any occasion to encroach on one another's territory. (Diod. Sic. year. 2. Olymp. 117.)

2578. Cassander saw that Alexander the son of Roxane was growing up and heard a rumour among the Macedonians. They thought it was about time that the young king should now be freed from his prison and rule the kingdom. He was alarmed by this and ordered Glaucia the keeper, to murder Roxane and her son, the king. He was to bury their bodies in some secret place and should by all means possible conceal their deaths. This he did. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 116)

2579. Parysades the king of Bosphorus Cimerius died after ruling for 38 years. He left his kingdom to his oldest son Satyrus. He held the kingdom for only nine months. (Diod. Sic. year. 3. Olymp. 117.)

3694 AM, 4404 JP, 310 BC

2580. In Peloponesus, Ptolemy, a captain of Antigonus, defected from him to Cassander's side. He sent soldiers to a most loyal friend of his, called Phoenix and one to whom he had committed the management of the government of Hellespont. He advised him to man his forts and cities and to stand guard and no longer serve Antigonus. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 117.)

2581. On the other side, Ptolemy of Egypt cried out against Antigonus. He, contrary to agreement, had put his garrisons into various Greek cities on the Asian side. Thereupon he sent Leonides, his captain, to Cilicia Aspara. He took over some cities and places that belonged to Antigonus. Moreover he sent his agent to some cities held by Cassander and Lysimachus, that they should follow his advise and not allow Antigonus to become too powerful. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 116)

2582. Antgonus sent his younger son Philippus, to fight against Phoenix, and others who had revolted from him in the Hellespont. His son Demetrius, was sent into Cilicia against Ptolemy of Egypt. He routed the captains of Ptolemy and recovered the cities which he had taken. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 116)

2583. Polysperchon in Peloponesus cried out against Cassander and concerning his government of Macedonia. He sent for Hercules, a son of Alexander the Great by Barsine, who was now 17 years old. He sent to those who were enemies of Cassander to help establish this young man in his father's kingdom. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 116)

2584. when Ptolemy of Egypt had all Cyprus under his command, he learned that Nicocles the king of Paphos, had negotiated secretly with Antigonus. Ptolemy sent two confidants of his, Argaus and Callicrates, with orders to get rid of Nicocles. They crossed over into Cyprus and took with them a certain number of soldiers from Menalaus, who commanded the army there. They surrounded the house of Nicocles and then told him what Ptolemy wanted him to do and advised him to find another kingdom. First, he tried to clear himself of the charges. When he saw that no man listened to him, he drew his sword and killed himself. When Axiothea his wife heard of her husband's death, she took her daughters who were all young virgins and killed them. She tried to make the wives of Nicocles' brothers, die with her. Ptolemy had not requested this but ordered that they be spared. The brothers also of Nicocles, shut themselves in their houses and set fire to them and they died. The whole family of the kings of Phaphos came to a tragic and lamentable end. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 116) & Polya. Stratag. l. 8.)

2585. Agathocles king of Sicily, was sailing about this time into Africa to make war upon the Carthaginians. A total eclipse of the sun happened and it was so dark that the stars appeared in the sky and the day was turned into night. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 117. Justin. l. 22. c. 6.) This happened on August 15, 310 BC according to the astronomical tables.

2586. When Epicurus was 32 years old, he taught publicly for 5 years in both Mitylene and Lampsacus. (Diod. Sic. Lacterus, in the Life of Epicurus.)

2587. In Bosphorus Cimmerius, Eumelus, the younger brother to Satyrus allied with some of the neighbouring natives and laid claim to the kingdom of his elder brother. When Satyrus knew of this, he went against him with a large army and crossed the Thapsus River. When Satyrus came near Eumelus' quarters, Satyrus surrounded Eumelus' camp with his carts and wagons in which he had brought a large quantity of provisions. He arranged his army in the field for battle. As was the custom of the Scythian kings, he led the main battle line in his army. He had less than 2000 Greeks or 1000 and as many Thracians. All the rest were Scythians who came to help him. They numbered 20,000 and at least 1000 cavalry. Eumelus was helped by Ariopharnes, king of Thracia, with 20,000 cavalry and 22,000 foot soldiers. Satyrus routed Ariopharnes and then defeated his brother Eumelus with his foot soldiers. He forced them all to retreat to Arioparnes' palace, which was surrounded by a river with steep rocks and a thick woods. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 116)

2588. At first, Satyrus went and wasted the enemy's country and set fire to their villages. He gathered much spoil from them. Then he made his way through their marshy country and came to their wooden citadels and took them. He crossed the river and cut down a large forest that he had to pass through to get to the king's palace. He had his whole army work at this for 3 days until they came to the walls of the citadel. Meniscus, who led the mercenary companies, got through a passage in the wall. Although he fought very courageously, he was outnumbered and forced to retreat. When Satyrus came to his relief, he was wounded in the arm with a spear. He was forced to retire to his camp and the next night, died from the wound. Meniscus broke off the siege and withdrew the army to a city called Gargaza. From there he carried the king's body down the river to a city called Panticapaeum to his brother Prytanis. He gave it a magnificent burial and laid up the relics in the king's sepulchre. He went to Gargaza and took over the army and the kingdom. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 116)

2589. Agents from Eumelus came to Prytanis to purpose that the kingdom be divided between them. Prytanis would have none of it and left a strong garrison at Gargaza. He returned to Pantacapaeum to settle the affairs of his kingdom. After a while Eumelus with the help of some barbarians captured Gargaza and various other towns and citadels. Later he defeated Prytanis in a battle and trapped him in a neck of land near Lake Maeotis. He forced Prytanis to surrender on condition that he give up all his army and leave the kingdom. Nevertheless, when Prytanis returned to Pantacapaeum which was the place where the kings of Bosphorus keep their standing court, he endeavoured again to recovered his kingdom. He was foiled in this and he fled to a place near there called the Gardens and was killed. His brother Eumelus reigned in his place for 5 years and 5 months. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 116)

3695 AM, 4405 JP, 309 BC

2590. To establish his kingdom, Eumelus killed all the friends, wives and children of both his brothers, Satyrus and Pritanis. Only Parysades, Satyrus' son, who was only a youth escaped. Using a swift horse, he fled to Agarus king of the Scythians. When Eumelus saw that the people repined at the loss of their friends who he had murdered, he called them all together. He excused himself and restored to them their ancient form of government and restored moreover to the citizens of Pantacupaeum their former immunities. He promised to free them from all kinds of tribute. He spared no fair words to reconcile the hearts of the people again to him. By this he got their good will again. He ruled with justice and moderation and was held in admiration among them. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 116)

2591. When Ptolemy of Egypt heard that he had lost all again in Cilicia, he sailed over with his fleet to Phaselis and took that city by force. From there he passed into Lycia and took Xanthus by assault and the garrison of Antigonus that was there. Then he attacked Caunus which surrendered to him. Then he attacked the citadels and forts that were in it and took them by assault. He utterly destroyed Heracleum. Persicum was surrendered to him by the soldiers that were to hold it. (Diod. Sic. year 4. Olymp. 117.)

2592. Then he sailed to Cos and sent for Captain Ptolemy to come to him. He was Antigonus' brother's son and had an army committed to him by Antigonus. He defected from his uncle and he sided with Ptolemy in everything. He left there or from Chaleis, and arrived at Cos. At first Ptolemy received him in a very courteous manner. After a while, he saw the indolence of his behaviour and how he tried to secure his officers by gifts and secret meetings with them. He feared the worst and put him in prison. There he poisoned him with a drink of hemlock. Ptolemy secured his soldiers with generous promises and distributed them in small numbers among the rest of his army. (Diod. Sic. year 4. Olymp. 117.)

2593. Cassander feared lest the Macedonians would defect to Hercules, the son of Alexander the Great. He was then 14 years old. (as Justin, or rather 17 according to Diodorus) Cassander befriended Polysperchon and by his means had Hercules and his mother Barsine to be privately murdered and their bodies to be hid deep enough in the ground lest by their solemn funerals the truth might happen to come to light. Now that Alexander's two sons were both dead and there was no heir of his body left to succeed him, every governor made himself a king of the province which he held just as if he had captured it in battle. (Diod. Sic. year 4. Olymp. 117. & Justin, l. 15. c. 2.)

3696 AM, 4406 JP, 308 BC

2594. Ptolemy sailed from Myndus along the islands which lay by his way and came to Andros. He expelled the garrison that was there and restored it to her former liberty. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 118.)

2595. Cleopatra, the daughter of Philip and sister to Alexander the Great, was incensed against Antigonus. Of her own accord she planned to go to Ptolemy and left Sardis. The governor there, to whom Antigonus had given a charge not to hurt her, prevented her from leaving. Later, by Antigonus' command and the help of some of her women about her, Cleopatra was murdered. To alley suspicion, Antigonus had some of those women executed who murdered her and buried her with all the magnificence that he could. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 118.)

2596. Ophellas, who had expelled Thimbron and subdued the Cyrenians for Ptolemy, now claimed Cyrene with the cities and adjoining regions as his own. Still not content, he began to look for greater things. While he was thinking about this, Ortho of Syraensa, came to him with a message from Agathocles asking him to join in arms with him against the Carthaginians. He told him that if he subdued them, he would make him sovereign of all Africa. This fuelled his ego and he listened to him. He sent his agent to Athens from where he had married his wife Euridice, the daughter of Miltiades, to ask their help and alliance in this war. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 118.)

3697 AM, 4407 JP, 307 BC

2597. Many Athenians and other Greeks willingly listened to this motion. They hoped by this to have a share of the richest pieces of all Africa with all the wealth of Carthage for themselves. Ophellas was outfitted for this expedition. He had an army of 10,000 foot soldiers, 600 or 700 cavalry, and 100 chariots with more than 300 men drivers and soldiers to manage them. Besides the followers of the camp, he had more than 10,000 with him. They brought along their wives and children with their baggage. This looked more like a colony going to be established than an army marching against an enemy. When they had marched for 18 days and gone 375 miles, they came to a city called Automulus on the western border of Cyrene. They camped here and rested themselves. Then they moved again and travelled through a dry desert country that was full of poisonous snakes. At last after two months of miserable travel they came to Agathocles' camp where they pitched their camp close to his. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 118.)

2598. When Agathocles heard of his coming, he went to meet him. He advised him to rest and relax after so tedious and hard a journey. When they had dined together often, Ophellas adopted Agathocles for his son. Later when most of Ophellas' army was foraging in the country, Agathocles suddenly called an assembly of his own army and before them accused Ophellas who was to help him in this war of betraying him. When he had incensed the multitude, he drew out his whole army in formation against Ophellas and his Cyrenians. Ophellas was shocked at this unexpected turn of affairs and had his men defend themselves. The enemy was too quick for him and he too weak for them. He was killed. After his death, Agathocles persuaded the rest that were left to lay down their arms and then told them what great things he would do for them. He persuaded them to take his pay and thus took over Ophellas' army. Those that he found not fit for the war, he sent to Syracuse. Some arrived there but most perished in a fierce storm on the way. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 118. with Justin, l. 22. c. 2.)

2599. After Ophellas' death, Cyrene and all Libya returned in Ptolemy's government again. (Suid. in Dhmhtr.)

3698 AM, 4408 JP, 306 BC

2600. Demetrius Poliarcator or as Pliny renders it, "Expugnator Urbum", that is "the City Taker" was furnished with two strong armies, one by land and another by sea. They had all weapons and all other necessaries for the war. They left Ephesus with 5000 talents of silver to liberate the Greek cities. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 118.) They came to Pyrrum, the port of Athens, with 250 ships on the 26th day of Thargelion, about May 31th, (Plutarch in the Life of Demetrius) They were received into Athens and took the city of Megar. Since Cassander had put a garrison into Munichium which was the fort or citadel of Athens, under the command of Dionysus, therefore he raised it to the ground.

2601. This happened in the year when Anaxicrates was archon at Athens. Among others, Philochorus who lived at this very time, records this in his Attic. (History. l. 8. cited by Dionysuis Halicarnassus, in his Dinarchus) It was toward the end of his archonship in year 2 of Olympiad 118.

2602. Enridice returned to Athens. She was the widow of Opheltas or Ophellas who was governor of Cyrene and was killed the previous year before. Demetrius the son of Antigonus married her. The Athenians took this as a great honour for them. They were the first that called Demetrius and Antigonus by the title of kings. Otherwise they declined that title as the only mark of royalty which belonged exclusively to Phillip, Alexander and his posterity. (Plut. in Demetrius.)

2603. Demetrius was recalled from Greece by his father Antigonus to make war upon the captains of Ptolemy in Cyprus. He sailed first to Caria and then to Cilicia. He got supplies from there of ships and men and sailed to Cyprus with 15,000 foot soldiers, 400 cavalry and a fleet of 110 very fast ships of three tiers of oars a piece and 53 that were slower. The rest were cargo ships to transport the men, horses and equipment.

2604. He landed and first camped near the shore not for from Carspasia. He drew up his ships to land and fenced them there with a deep trench and ramparts. Then he went by force and took Urania and Carpasia. He left a sufficient guard to defend his trenches about the fleet and marched immediately to Salamis. (Diod. Sic. year 3 Olymp. 118.)

2605. Menelaus, the brother of Ptolemy and chief commander of the island was then at Salamis. When he saw the enemy within 5 miles of the city, he drew out from the adjoining garrisons 12,000 foot soldiers and 800 cavalry. He went to attack him but was overcome by the enemy and fled. Demetrius followed him closely to the very gates of the city and captured 3000 men and killed 1000 there. He distributed the prisoners among his own companies to serve him. When he found they were always ready to defect again to Menelaus, because their wealth was in Ptolemy's hands in Egypt, he shipped them all away to Antigonus his father. (Diod. Sic. year 3 Olymp. 118.)

2606. Antigonus at that time was building a city in upper Syria by the Orontes River. He called it after his own name, Antigonia and spent large amounts of money on it. The walls were about 9 miles long. The place was very opportune to control Babylon and the upper provinces and also the lower ones as far down as Egypt. (Diod. Sic. year 3 Olymp. 118.)

2607. Menelaus fled back to Salamis and determined to endure a siege. He sent a messenger to Ptolemy for more help and told him what danger he was in. Demetrius started to work preparing his battering rams to take the city by force. He had one special machine which he called "Helepolis", i.e. "one that would not fail him in taking any city, which it was sent against". He also had various other large rams and galleries for them. At night those within the city threw fire on them and consumed many of the machines with the most of the men that kept them. Yet Demetrius would not stop but pressed the siege both by sea and land and thought in time he would capture the city. (Diod. Sic. year 3 Olymp. 118.)

2608. When Ptolemy heard of the loss of his men, he sailed with a well furnished army for sea and land and arrived at Paphos in Cyprus. He took boats from the neighbouring cities and went to Citium about 25 miles from Salamis. His whole fleet consisted of 140, or as Plutarch has it, 150 ships. The largest was of five tiers of oars and the smallest had four teirs of oars. These were accompanied by 200 cargo ships containing at least 10,000 soldiers. He sent word to Menelaus that when he saw them in the heat of the fight, he should then attack from the port of Salamis with 60 ships and assault the rear of the enemy and disorganize them in any way he could. Demetrius foresaw what would happen. He left a part of his army to maintain the siege by land. He ordered Antisthenes his admiral, with ten ships of 5 tiers of oars a piece to lie at the mouth of the harbour of Salamis and to keep the fleet in, so they could not get out. When he had arranged his land army on the shore on forelands looking toward the sea he sailed and with a fleet of 108 or as Plutarch has it, of 180 ships. Most were of 7 tiers of oars and the smallest, four tiers. (Diod. Sic. & Plutarch.)

2609. Ptolemy was in the wing where he utterly routed the enemy and sank some of their ships and captured others with their men in them. When he returned, he thought to do the same with the rest of the enemy forces. However, he found that his left wing was wholly routed by Demetrius and he was in hot pursuit of them. Therefore he sailed back to Citium. Demetrius committed his warships to Neon and Burichus to pursue the enemy and rescue those who were swimming in the sea. He returned to his own port from where he had set out. (Diod. Sic.)

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2610. Meanwhile, Menelaus sent out his 60 ships as he was commanded under the command of Menaetius. He fought with those ten ships that were set to keep him in, broke through them and they fled for safety to the army that was on land. When Menetius' men saw they came too late to act according to their instructions, they returned again to Salamis. (Diod. Sic.)

2611. Ptolemy saw he could do no good in Cyprus and returned with only 8 ships to Egypt. (Diod. Sic. & Justin, l. 15. c. 2. and Plut.) Thereupon Menelaus surrendered both the city and all his forces both of land and sea to Demetrius. He had 1200 cavalry and 12,000 heavily armed foot soldiers. (Plut.) In a short time, Demetrius captured all the rest of the cities and forts of the island and distributed the garrison soldiers among his own companies to the number of 16,000 foot soldiers and 600 cavalry. (Diod. Sic.)

2612. He took 100 cargo ships containing almost 8000 soldiers and 40 warships with their crews. About 80 ships were damaged in the battle and leaked. They drew these to land below their camp near the city. Demetrius had 20 of his own ships badly damaged in this fight. These were repaired and were as good as new again according to Diodorus. However, Plutarch says 70 of Ptolemy's ships were captured with their crew and soldiers. Of the rest who were in the cargo ships, these were mainly slaves, friends and women. They had weapons and money to pay the soldiers and had engines of war. Nothing escaped and Demetrius took it all and carried it to his camp. Among the rest, there was a lady named Lamia, who was first famous for her excellent skill in playing upon the recorder and later became a notorious harlot. Although she was well past her prime, Demetrius who was much younger then her, fell in love with her. She so far caught and enamoured him with the pretence of her talk and behaviour that he grew as much in love with her as other women were with him. (Plut.)

2613. Demetrius buried the bodies of the enemy that were slain with a very honourable burial. He dismissed those he had taken prisoners and gave the Athenians arms enough to furnish 1200 men. (Plut. in Demetr.) He sent home Leontiscus, Ptolemy's son, Menelaus' brother and his other friends, with suitable provision for their journey by the way. He did not forget what Ptolemy had formerly done to him in the same kind of situation. He used these reciprocal displays of love and kindness in the very heat of war that it might evidently appear their dispute was for honour and not from hatred. It was the fashion in those days to wage war more religiously than now men use to observe the laws of friendship in time of peace. (Justin, l. 15. c. 2.)

2614. Demetrius sent by Aristodemus the Milesian, the news of this victory to his father. This Aristodemus was counted the prime flatterer in all the court. When he came to Antigonus, he stood still a while and held him in suspense as to what the news might be. Finally he burst out with these terms:

``God save the King Antigonus, we have overthrown king Ptolemy at sea. Cyprus is ours. We have taken prisoner 16,800 of his men.''

2615. Antigonus replied to him.

``God save thee too. Nevertheless, because thou heldest me so long in suspense before thou toldest me thy good news, thou shalt in the same way be punished too. For thou shalt stay a while, before thou receive thy reward for thy good news.'' (Plut.)

2616. Antigonus was puffed up with pride of this victory and assumed to himself a crown and the title of king after this. Thereupon Ptolemy did the same lest he should in any ways seem to be defeated by this or be held in less regard by his subjects. In all his letters from that time on, he swore himself king. By their example, other governors of provinces did likewise. Seleucus, who had lately subdued the upper provinces to himself did this. Likewise did Lysimachus and Cassander when they saw there was neither mother nor brother nor son of Alexander the Great now left alive. (Diod. Sic. & Justin. l. 15. c. 2. Plut. in Denet. And Appianus, in his Syriaca. p. 122.)

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2617. Seleucus made himself king of Babylon and Media since he had personally killed Nicator or Nicanor whom Antigonus had placed as governor there. (Appia. ib.) He assumed the surname of Nicator or Nicanor (for so we find him also stamped on his coins) not from Nicator or Nicanor, whom he so slew, but from the many and great victories which he got. (Appia. ibid. p. 124. and Ammia. Marcellnus, l. 23. Histor.) After he subdued the Bactrians, he proceeded and took in all the rest of the countries which Alexander had formerly subdued, as far as the Indus River and added them to his own dominion. (Justin, l. 15. c. 4. Appia. in his Syriaca. p. 123.)

2618. King Antigonus' (for so hereafter we must call him) youngest son died and Antigonus buried him in a royal manner. He called home Demetrius from Cyprus and commanded his whole army to meet at his new city of Antigonia. He planned to march from there into Egypt. Therefore leading the foot soldiers himself, he went through Coelosyria. He had an army of 80,000 foot soldiers and about 10,000 cavalry. He made Demetrius, admiral of his fleet and ordered him to keep close to the shore within sight of the army. He had 150 fighting ships and 100 cargo ships. They carried an enormous supply of all types of weapons. The pilots told him that now was the time that the seven stars were ready to set and would set on the 8th day from then. (in the beginning of April). He replied that they were too timid to make good sailors. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 118.)

2619. Antigonus came with his army to Gaza and planned to attack Ptolemy before he was ready for him. He commanded his soldiers to take with them 10 days supply of food. With the camels from Arabia, he loaded 130,000 bushels of wheat and an enormous supply of hay on the other beasts of burden. He carried his weapons in wagons and went through the desert. This caused some trouble for the army. They crossed various marshy and dusty places in the way, especially about the place called Barathra. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 118.)

2620. Demetrius sailed with his ships from Gaza in the dead of the night and was for many days becalmed. The higher ships were forced to tow the cargo ships with ropes. After this and as soon as the seven stars were set, a northerly wind rose upon them. Many of the ships of 4 tiers of oars were driven on shore near to the city Raphia where there was no good harbour for them. Of those which carried the weapons, some sank and the rest retired to Gaza again. Some of the best of them bare up and came under the promontory of Cisius. That cape is not far from the Nile River and is not suitable for shipping especially if there are any storms. There is no way to get near it. Therefore every ship dropped two anchors a piece a quarter mile from land and were forced to ride out the storm in a heavy sea. In the midst of all this danger they were driven to extremity. For had that storm lasted only one day longer, they would have used all their fresh water and would have died of thirst. The storm ceased and Antigonus with his army came to the place and camped there. The weather beaten men came ashore and refreshed themselves in the camp. Nevertheless in this storm there were lost 3 ships of 5 tiers of oars from which some men escaped alive to land. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 118.)

2621. From here Antigonus moved and placed his army a quarter mile from the Nile River. However, Ptolemy had manned all the bank of the river with strong garrisons. He sent some in river boats. They went as near the further bank as they safely could and proclaimed that if any of Antigonus' army would come to him, he would give a common soldier two pounds and a captain a whole talent for his trouble. No sooner was this proclamation made, but a large number of Antigonus' mercenaries wanted to leave. Some of his captains wanted also to go. When Antigonus knew that a large number of his men were deserting him, he positioned archers, slingers and other engines of war, to keep them from crossing over the water in boats. If any were found that went, he put them to death with horrible torments. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 118.)

2622. Antigonus gathered together his ships which came to him although they were late. He went to a place called Pseudostomon and planned to land some of his men there. However, he found a strong garrison of the enemy there and was beaten off with bows and slings and other engines of war. Therefore as the night drew on, he went his way and ordered the captains of every ship to follow the lantern of the admiral. So they came to the mouth of the Nile River which is called Phagneticum. The next morning he found that many of his ships had lost their way and he did not know where they had gone. He was forced to anchor there and send the swiftest ships he had all over the sea to look for them and bring them to him. Meanwhile, as time wore on, Ptolemy had been alerted of the approach of the enemy. He immediately went to the relief of his men and arranged his army all along the shore in the enemies' sight. Demetrius could find no landing place here either. He was told that if he should land in the surrounding area, the country was naturally fortified with marshes and moorish grounds. He set sail and returned. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 118.)

2623. As he was going, a violent wind came up from the North and drove 3 of his ships of four tiers of oars and some other warships on the shore. All these came into Ptolemy's hand. After much trouble, the rest got to Antigonus' camp. Ptolemy had placed strong garrisons at each of the mouths of the Nile River and had an enormous number of river boats everywhere. These were supplied with darts and slings and men who knew how to use them well. These troubled Antigonus very greatly, for the mouth of the river at Pelusium was strongly guarded by Ptolemy. Antigonus could make no use of his ships at all. His land forces were in trouble also. The Nile River starts swelling at the coming of the sun into Cancer. When the sun enters Leo, it overflows all its banks. It was now so high that they could do little. Worse, he was running out of food for men and fodder for cattle because they stayed there so long. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 118.)

2624. When Antigonus saw that his army was demoralized, he called them all together. Before them all he asked the captains, whether it was better to stay and fight or to return to Syria for the time being. They would then return again next year better prepared and when the waters should be lower. When every man wanted to go, he ordered his soldiers to gather up their belongings. His navy followed them along the shore, and he returned to Syria. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 118.) The pointlessness of this expedition was foreseen by Medius, one of Antigonus' friends in a dream. For it seemed to him that he saw Antigonus with all his army to contend in a race at Olympus, called "Diaulus", i.e. "a double course." When they first set out, they seemed to run very well. After a while they grew weaker. When they came to the race post and were to turn about it and return to the barriers where they set out, (for that was the manner of this double course) they were so out of breath that they could go no further. (Plut. in Demet.)

2625. Ptolemy was glad to see that the enemy was gone. He offered sacrifice to his gods for this great benefit they bestowed on him. He made a magnificent feast for his friends and wrote letters to Seleucus, Lysimachus and Cassander of his good success. He did not forget to tell them how large an army of Antigonus had defected over to him. Now when he had rescued Egypt, a second time and gotten it by his sword, he thought he might lawfully count it his own. He returned in triumph to Alexandria. (Diod. Sic.) Hence it is that Cl. Ptolemy, in his Reg. Cano. starts the beginning of his reign over Egypt from this time. He calculates that the time from the death of Alexander the Great to this time was 19 full years. For the 19th year from the death of Alexander the Great ends according to his account with the November 6th 4409 JP.

2626. While these things thus happened in Egypt, Dionysius the tyrant of Heraclea in Pontus died. (Diod. Sic.) He reigned 33 years according to Athenaus. (l. 12. c. 26.) Although Memnon says that he reigned only 30 years and Diodorus says 32 years. He was incredibly fat. Besides Memnon and Nymphis, Heracleotes, in his book of the City Heraclea, cited by Athenaeus in the place mentioned, notes this. So does Elia. (Var. Histor. l. 9. c. 13.) He had two sons by Amastris or Amestris, the daughter of Oxethras, brother to Darius, the last king of Persia. She was first given in marriage to Craterus, by Alexander. The oldest of the sons was called Clearchus, the younger Oxathras, according to Diodorus, Zathras, and Dionysius. Therefore by his last will he joined some others with her in the adminstartion lest the government of his kingdom and charge of his two children, who were still very young go entirely to his wife. (Memnon in Excerpt. Photii. c. 5. with Diodorus, year. 3. Olymp. 118. & year 3. Olymp. 119.)

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2627. Menedemus was from Patara in Lycia with the command of three ships. Each of them was between two and three tiers of oars a piece. He captured a ship of four tiers of oars that was coming from Cilicia. It had letters from Phila with rich and royal apparel with other costly furniture destined for Demetrius Poliorcetes. All of this was sent by Menedemus to Ptolemy in Egypt. This affront enraged Demetrius against the Rhodians. He then lay in siege before their city to take it. After doing this for a year, the Athenians mediated an agreement that the Rhodians would help Antigonus and Demetrius in their wars against any country except for Ptolemy. Hence the siege was lifted. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 119. & Plut. in Demetr.)

2628. As soon as this war was over, the Rhodians sent some of their priests to consult the oracle of Ammon. They wanted to know if they should worship Ptolemy as a god or not. When they were told they should, they consecrated to him a square grove in their city. They built on each side a gallery about 200 yards long and called it "Ptolmeum" or "Ptolemy's gallery". They were the first to surname Ptolemy the "Saviour" because he had saved them from the violence of Antigonus and Demetrius and not with his soldiers. Also Ptolemy had saved Alexander in the city of the Oxydracans, (See note on 3678b AM) as some have thought. (Arrian. l. 6. p. 131. and Steph. in the word Oxydrac. Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 119.)

2629. Eumelus, the king of Bosphorus Cimmerius, after reigning 6 years died in an accident. He was hurrying home from Scythia to a certain solemn sacrifice that was to be offered then. He was in a 4 wheeled coach drawn by 4 horses and covered with a canopy. As he came to his palace, the horses took a fright and ran away with him. When the driver could not hold them, Eumelus feared lest they would run down some precipice and leaped from the coach. His sword caught in the wheel and he was whirled away with it and killed. His son Spartacus succeeded him and reigned 20 years. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 117. & year 1. Olymp. 119.)

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2630. Seleucus crossed the Indus River and made war on Sandrocottus or Androcottus. When Seleucus had restored his government in the east, Sandrocottus had murdered all the governors whom Alexander had appointed and took over all of India. (Justin, l. 15. c. 4. Appia. in his Syriaca. p. 122, 123.)

2631. Now as Seleucus was going to make this war, a wild elephant of enormous size came to him on the way as if it had been tame. He went to it and the animal allowed him to get on and ride it. This beast proved to be a prime and singularly good elephant for the war. (Justin, l. 15. c. 4.) Thereupon, he traversed over all India with a 600,000 man army and sudbued it. (Plut. in Alexan.) He made himself king over them and freed them from a yoke of strangers only to bring them under his yoke. (Justin, l. 15. c. 4.)

2632. Megasthenes, in his Indica, writes, that he often came to him while he remained with Sibyrtius governor of the Arachosians. (Arrian. l. 5. cites him) He says that Seleucus had an army of 400,000 men. (Strabo, l. 16. p. 709.)

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2633. Cassander, king of Macedonia, sent his ambassadors to Antigonus and desired to make a peace with him. Antigonus refused unless Cassander would surrender to his mercy. After a conference with Lysimachus king of Thrace, Lysimachus and Cassander both agreed to send their ambassadors to Ptolemy, king of Egypt and to Seleucus, king of the upper provinces of Asia. They decried the pride and arrogance of Antigonus expressed in his answers and showed them how this war involved them too. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 119.) Therefore they knew that Antigonus planned to take them on one at a time because they were not united against him. They then appointed a place where they all were to meet. They resolved to contribute their various forces to prosecute this war. Cassander could not be there because the enemy was so close to him. Therefore he sent Lysimachus with all the forces which he was able to spare with abundant provisions for them. (Justin, l. 15. c. 2.)

2634. Seleucus made an alliance with Sandrocottus, king of India and gave him all those regions bordering the Indus River which Alexander had taken from the Arians. Seleucus had made them his colonies and had set governors over them and received from Sandrocottus a gift of 500 elephants. (Strabo. l. 15. p. 724. Plut. in Alex. & Appia. in Syria. p. 123.) When Seleucus had made peace in the east, he prepared for the war against Antigonus, with his allies according to their agreement in the west. (Justin, l. 15. c. 4.)

2635. Lysimachus crossed over into Asia with his own army and came before Lampsacus and Paros. Because they submitted readily to him, he restored to them their ancient liberty. When he had taken Sigaeum by force, he put a strong garrison in it. He then committed 6000 foot soldiers and 1000 cavalry to Prepelaus and sent him to take the cities of Ionia and Eolia. Lysimachus besieged Abydus with all types of battering rams and other weapons of war. Nevertheless, when Demetrius sent an army to defend that place, he lifted the siege. When he had captured the Hellespont and Phrygia, he went on and besieged the city Synada. Antigonus stored his treasure here. (??) Lysimachus persuaded Docimus, a commander of Antigonus, to defect to his side. Docimus helped take Synada and other forts and places belonging to Antigonus. He captured Antigonus' treasure. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 119.)

2636. Meanwhile, Prepelaus, who was sent to make war upon Ionia and Eolia, took Adramittium on the way and besieged Ephesus. He so terrified the inhabitants, that they submitted to him. He found Rhodian hostages there, whom he sent home again to their friends. He did not harm any of the Ephesians. He only burned all the ships which he found in their harbour because the enemy still controlled the sea. Antigonus' naval supremacy was not as certain as it was. (??) After this, the Teians and Colophonians joined the common cause against Antigonus. The Erythrae and Clazomenae were helped by forces sent by the sea, and he was not able to overcome them. He wasted their territories and went to Sardis. There he was able to persuade two of Antigonus' captains, Phaenix and Docimus to defect. He took all the city except for the citadel. It was held by Philippus, a friend of Antigonus and would not defect to him. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 119.)

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2637. Antigonus was at that time completely occupied holding games and feasts at his new city of Antigonia. He had proclaimed expensive prizes for those who would enter the contests and offered huge wages to all skilled artisans that he could hire. When he heard how Lysimachus had come into Asia and what great numbers of his soldiers defected to him, he stopped the games. However, he distributed 200 talents among the wrestlers and the artisans who came. He went with his army as quickly as he could and made long marches to meet the enemy. As soon as he came to Tarsus in Cilicia, he advanced his army 3 months pay from the money which he took with him from the city Quindi. Besides this he brought 3000 talents along with him from Antigonia so he would not run out of money. He crossed over the Taurus Mountains and hurried into Cappadocia. He subdued those who revolted from him in upper Phrygia and Lycaonia and made them help him in the wars as they did before. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 119.)

2638. When Lysimachus heard of the enemies' approach, he consulted with his council concerning this imminent danger and what to do. Their advise was not to risk a battle until Seleucus came from the upper provinces but get into the strongest most fortified place. He should entrench himself in the strongest manner that possibly he could with ramparts and palisades and await the coming of the enemy. Lysimachus followed this advice. As soon as Antigonus came within sight of his camp, he drew out in battle formation and tried unsuccessfully to provoke Lysimachus to a fight. Antigonus captured all the passes that could be used to supply food for the camp. Thereupon Lysimachus feared least when his food ran out, he might be taken alive by Antigonus. Therefore he moved his camp by night and marched 50 miles to Dorylaeum and there camped. In those parts, there was an abundant supply of grain with other provisions and he had a river at his back. Therefore, they there raised a work and enclosed it with an exceeding deep trench with 3 rows of stakes on the top of it. He made the camp as sure as he could make it. When Antigonus found that the enemy was gone, he pursued as fast as he could and came near the place where he was entrenched. When he saw that Lysimachus did not want to fight, he started to make another trench around his camp to besiege him there. For that purpose, he had all kind of instruments for a siege, as darts, arrows and catapults brought there. Although many skirmishes were fought about the trenches because Lysimachus' men fought from their works to hinder the enemy, Antigonus' side prevailed. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 119.)

2639. In time Antigonus' works were almost finished around him and Lysimachus' provisions began to fail. Therefore Lysimachus took the advantage of a stormy night and got away with his army. They travelled through mountainous countries and came to his winter quarters. The next morning when Antigonus saw that the enemy was gone, he marched after him through the plain country. Because there had been so much rain and the way was poor and full of sloughs, he lost many of his wagons and some of his men on that journey. The whole army was greatly distressed. Therefore, to spare his army and because the winter was approaching, he abandoned the pursuit for that time. He looked around for the best places to winter in and distributed his army to them. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 119.)

2640. In like manner, Lysimachus sent his army to winter in the country of Salmonia. He had made generous provisions for them from Heraclea. He had made an alliance with that city by marrying Amestris, the widow of Dionysius, guardian of his two young children and governess of that city, (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 119. with Menmon, in Photius, c. 5.)

2641. At this time Demetrius made a truce with Cassander and was sent for by his father from Greece. He steered a straight course through the islands of the Aegean Sea and came to Ephesus. He landed his army there and camped before it and made it submit to him as before. He allowed the garrison which Prepelaus had put there, to depart safely. He put a strong garrison of his own into the citadel and marched away with the rest of his army as far as Hellespont. He subdued the Lampsacenians and Parians here. From there he went to the mouth of Pontus and camped near a place called the temple of the Chalcedonians. He fortified it and left 3000 foot soldiers to keep it with 30 ships. He sent the rest of his army to winter in various places around there. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 119.)

2642. About this time, Mithridates who was subject to Antigonus was suspected of favouring Cassander's party. He was slain at Cius in the country of Mysia. He had reigned for 35 years at Arthinas. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 119.) Various authors mention him. This Mithridates was the son of Ariobarzanes, a man of the royal blood of Persia. He was descended from one of those 7 which destroyed the Magi there, as we may gather from (Polyubius, l. 5. p. 388. & Florus, l. 3. c. 5. & Sext. Aurelius, Victor. de Vir. Illustr. c. 76.) He was surnamed the "Builder" and left the succession of the kingdom of Pontus after him down to Eupator or that Mithradates who maintained so long a war against the Romans. (Strabo (l. 12. p. 562.) Tertullian also mentions this. (l. de Anima.)

``I learn from Strabo that Mithridates got the kingdom of Pontus by a dream.''

2643. The story is this. Antigonus in a dream thought that he had a field full of a golden harvest. Mithradates came and cut it and carried it away into Pontus. Thereupon Antigonus planned to capture and kill him. When Mithridates was told this by Demetrius, he fled away with 6 cavalry only in his company and fortified a certain town in Cappadocia. Here many men joined his cause and so he obtained both Cappadocia and also many other countries of Pontus. He left them to the 8th generation after him before the Romans took over his kingdom. (Plut. in Demetr. and Appian. in his Mithridatica, p. 176.) Lucian, (in his book of long lived men, p. 176.) from Hierconymus Cardianus and other writers report that he lived for 84 years and that his son, called also Mithridates, succeeded him in his kingdom. He added to his dominions, Cappadocia and Paphlagonia and held them for 36 years. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 119.)

2644. Cassander sent Pleistarchus into Asia with an army of 12,000 foot soldiers and 500 cavalry to help Lysimachus. When he came to the mouth of Pontus, he found that strait held by the enemy. When he gave up trying to get through that way, he went to Odessus which lies between Appolonia and Galatia opposite Heraclea. Part of Lysimachus' men were here. He found no ships there so he divided his army into 3 parts. The 1st part that set out landed safely at Heraclea. The 2nd part was defeated by the enemy who held the strait of Pontus. The 3rd part including Pleistarchus, almost all perished in a violent storm. Most of the ships with their men perished. The ship he was in, was a good ship of six tiers of oars, sank and only 33 of the 500 men in it escaped. Pleistarchus got on a plank of the ship when it split and was cast on shore half dead. He recovered a little and was carried to Heraclea. He recovered his strength and went to Lysimachus' winter quarters. He had lost most of his army on the way. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 119.)

2645. About the same time Ptolemy came with an excellently well outfitted army from Egypt and subdued all the cities of Coelosyria. When he besieged Sidon, he heard a rumour that a battle had been fought in which Seleucus and Lysimachus were beaten. They had fled to Heraclea and Antigonus was moving quickly into Syria with his victorious army. Ptolemy believed the rumour and made a truce with the Sidonians for 5 months. He put garrisons into the other cities which he had taken in those parts and returned into Egypt. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 119.)

2646. While these things had happened, 2800 of Lysimachus' chief soldiers defected to Antigonus. Antigonus entertained them very courteously and furnished them the pay as they said Lysimachus owed them. In addition, he gave them a large amount of money for a reward for their actions. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 119.)

2647. At the same time, Seleucus with a large army came down from the upper provinces into Cappadocia and wintered his army in tents which he brought already made for them. His army consisted of 20,000 foot soldiers, 12,000 cavalry including his archers on horseback, 480 elephants and 100 iron chariots. These kings' forces assembled to fight it out next summer to see who would be the master.

2648. Pythagoras was the former soothsayer of Alexander the Great and for Perdiccas and now was employed by Antigonus. He started his divinations of the bowels of beasts that were offered in sacrifices. When he found the strings or filets in the liver missing, he told Antigonus that this indicated his death (Arrian. lib. 7. pag. 160.)

2649. Alexander the Great also appeared to Demetrius in his sleep. He was gloriously armed and asked Demetrius what was the word which he and his father planned to give. Demetrius replied:

``Jove and victory.''

2650. Then Alexander replied:

``Therefore will I go over to thine enemies for they will take me for theirs.'' (Plut. in Demetrio.)

2651. When Antigonus heard that there were so many kings assembled against him, he vauntingly said that he would scatter them all like so many birds out of a bush. However, when the enemies approached, he was observed to be more quiet than usual. He showed his son to his army and told them that this was the man that must be his successor. They marvelled all the more at this, especially Demetrius. Antigonus talked with him alone in his tent many times. Before this he would never share any secret at all with his son. When his army was all ready in battle array, Antigonus stumbled as he was leaving his pavilion to go to them. He fell flat on his face and was greatly troubled by this. He got up again and he begged the gods to send him either a victory that day or a death devoid of pain, (Plut. in Demetrio.)

2652. This battle between these many kings was fought in the beginning of the year at Ipsus, a town in Phrygia. (Arrian. l. 7. Plutarch in Pyrrho, Appian. in Syriacis, p. 122. Diod. Sic. & Porphy year 4. Olymp. 119.) In this battle Antigonus and Demetrius had between them more than 70,000 foot soldiers, 10,000 cavalry, 75 elephants and 120 chariots. Demetrius with the most of his cavalry charged Antiochus the son of Seleucus and his successor later in the kingdom. Demetrius most valiantly routed him but rashly pursued him too far. This was the reason for his father's defeat that day. In that pursuit Pyrrhus displayed valour and his worth conspicuously. He was only 17 years old and was expelled from his kingdom by the Epirotes, his subjects. He allied himself with Demetrius who had married his sister Derdamia who was intended for Alexander, the son of Alexander the Great, by Roxane. (Plutarch in Pyrrho.)

2653. When Seleucus saw that Antigonus' battalion was destitute of all help from their cavalry, he made as if he would have attacked them. Instead he wisely invited them to defect to him. Thereupon a large part of them did so and the rest fled. Seleucus turned on Antigonus. One of them cried out, saying:

``These come upon thee, O king.''

2654. He answered:

``But Demetrius, will come and help us.''

2655. While he stood waiting for Demetrius' return to rescue him, the enemy came on and showered their arrows as thick as hail on him. In that storm he fell and died. Thereupon all forsook him and shifted for themselves. Only Thorax of Larissa stayed by the body of him. (Plut. in Demetr.) His body was later taken up and buried in a royal manner. (Diod. Sic. l. 21.) Plutarch tells us that when Antigonus was on his recent expedition into Egypt, he was then a little less than 80 years old. Appian states that he was over 80 years old on that expedition. He lived 86 years according to Porphyrie as cited by Scaliger in his Greek fragments of Eusebius. (l. Ult.) However Hieronysmus Cardianus the historian who lived with him (as Lacianus, in his book of long lived men, testifies of him) affirms that he only lived 81 years.

2656. When Demetrius saw that all was lost, he fled away as fast as he could with 5000 foot soldiers and 4000 cavalry to Ephesus. All men began to fear lest for lack of money, he would plunder the temple of Diana. When he thought he would not be able to restrain his soldiers from that, he left there as quickly as he could. (Plut. in Demetr.) He took his mother Stratonice and all his treasure with him and sailed to Salamis in the isle of Cyprus which was at that time under his command. (Diod. Sic. l. 21.)

2657. After the kings that had gotten this great victory, they started dividing up this large kingdom of Antigonus and Demetrius among themselves. These new lands were added to their existing kingdoms. (Plut. in Demetr. Appian. in Syriac. p. 122. with Polyb. l. 5. p. 410.)

2658. When they could not agree how to divide of the spoil, they split into two sides. Seleucus allied himself with Demetrius and Ptolemy joined with Lysimachus. (Justin, l. 15. c. 4.) Seleucus and Ptolemy were the strongest two of the group. Therefore the dispute between them was continued by their posterities under the names of the Seleucians, or kings of the north and the kings of Ptolemy, or the kings of the south. This was foretold in Da 11:5-20.

2659. Simon the son of Omias, succeeded him in the priesthood at Jerusalem. He was surnamed "The Just", because of his great zeal and fervency in the worship of God and the great love which he had for his country men, the Jews. (Josephus, l. 12. c. 2.) In the book of /APC Sir 50:1-5 we find this testimony given about him:

``Simon, was the high priest, the son of Onias, who in his lifetime repaired the house again and in his days fortified the temple. He had built from the foundation the double height (or curtain) the high fortress of the wall about the temple. In his days the cistern to receive water, being round like the sea, was covered with plates of brass. He took care of the temple that it should not fall and fortified the city against besieging. How was he honoured in the midst of the people at his coming from the sanctuary!''

2660. (See Salian. his Annals book 5, 3675 AM. & Scaliger, in his Animadversions, on Euseb. num. 1785.) This man is said to have been high priest for 9 years. (Scalig. in Grac. Euseb. p. 50.)