THE MEETING OF CONGRESS
AND PROGRESS OF THE WAR.
CONDITION OF THE COUNTRY AT THE MEETING OF CONGRESS.--THE MESSAGE.--PROCEEDINGS IN CONGRESS.--FORT FISHER.--DEATH OF EDWARD
EVERETT.--PEACE CONFERENCE IN HAMPTON ROADS.--MILITARY AFFAIRS.
THE condition of the country when Congress met in
December, 1864, was in every way encouraging. At the
South, General Sherman, taking advantage of Hood's
having left the way clear for his march to the sea, had destroyed Atlanta and plunged into the heart of Georgia.
His plans were not positively known, but it was known
that he was making good progress, and the greatest confidence was felt in his accomplishing his designs, whatever they were. The President described the position
of affairs exactly in the following little speech, which he
made, on December 6th, in response to a serenade:--
FRIENDS AND
FELLOW-CITIZENS:--I believe I shall never be old enough
to speak without embarrassment when I have nothing to talk about. I
have no good news to tell you, and yet I have no bad news to tell.
We
have talked of elections until there is nothing more to say about
them.
The most interesting news we now have is from Sherman. We all know
where he went in at, but I can't tell where he will come out at. I
will
now close by proposing three cheers for General Sherman and his
army.
Hood had marched into Tennessee with the hope of
overrunning the State, now that Sherman's army was out
of his way, but found General Thomas an opponent not
to be despised, and had already, in his terrible repulse at
Franklin, received a foretaste of the defeats which were
about to fall upon him in front of Nashville.
In the East, Grant still held Lee's army with deadly
gripe. He had cut off the Weldon Railroad and was
slowly working to the southward, while Sheridan was undisputed master in
the Shenandoah Valley. In North
Carolina a decided advantage had been gained by the bold
exploit of Lieutenant Cushing, who, with a torpedo-boat,
sunk the rebel ram Albemarle at
her moorings, and
opened the way for the recapture of Plymouth, with
many guns.
Many different schemes of the rebels, not precisely
military in their character according to the ordinary rules.
of war, had been found out and foiled. A plot to capture steamers on the Pacific coast was discovered in time
to take measures not only to break it up, but to capture
those who had undertaken it. Other attempted raids
upon cities and towns near the northern frontier had also
been prevented. And a plot to set fire to the city of New
York failed of success, although fires were set in thirteen of the principal hotels.
The St. Albans raiders were in custody, and reasonable
hopes were entertained that they would be delivered over
to our authorities. The whole condition of the country
was favorable, and the Thanksgiving Day appointed by
the President for the 24th of November had been kept
with joy and gladness of heart. Gold, which had been
up as high as 280, had worked down nearly to 200,
with every indication of going steadily lower. The prospects of a relief from any further draft were bright. And
measures had been taken to effect the exchange of some
of our prisoners, whose dreadful sufferings at the hands
of the rebel authorities had shocked the public heart and
given a deeper tone to public indignation.
One slight indication of the progress which we were
making in the restoration of the authority of the Union was
the opening of the ports of Norfolk, Virginia, and Fernandina, Florida, by a proclamation issued on November
19th.
A
PROCLAMATION BY THE PRESIDENT.
WHEREAS, by
my proclamation of the 19th of April, 1861, it was declared that the ports of certain States, including those of Norfolk,
in the
State of. Virginia, and Fernandina and Pensacola, in the State of
Florida,
were for reasons therein set forth intended to be placed under
blockade, and whereas the said ports were subsequently blockaded
accordingly, but
having for some time past been in the military possession of the
United
States, it is deemed advisable that they should be opened to
domestic and
foreign commerce.
Now, therefore, be it known that I, Abraham
Lincoln, President of the
United States, pursuant to the authority in me vested by the fifth
section
of the act of Congress approved on the 13th of July, 1861, entitled
"An
act further to provide for the collection of duties on imports and
for other
purposes," do hereby declare that the blockade of the said ports of
Norfolk, Fernandina, and Pensacola shall so far cease and determine,
from and
after the first day of December next, that commercial intercourse
with
those ports, except to persons, things, and information contraband
of war,
may from time to time be carried on, subject to the laws of the
United
States, to the limitations and in pursuance of the regulations which
may
be prescribed by the Secretary of the Treasury, and to such military
and
naval regulations as are now in force or may hereafter be found
necessary.
In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and
caused the seal
of the United States to be affixed.
|
Done at the city of Washington
this nineteenth day of November, in the
year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-four,
and of the independence of the United States the
eighty-ninth. ABRRAHAM LINCOLN. |
[L.S.] |
By the
President:
WILLIAM II. SEWARD, Secretary
of State.
Our foreign relations were also in a satisfactory condition. Our relations with Brazil had been for a moment
threatened by the capture of the rebel armed vessel
Florida, by the Wachusett,
under Captain Collins, while
lying at anchor in the harbor of Bahia, in the early
morning of October 5th. The act was unauthorized by
our Government. It caused a great outcry from the
friends of the rebels abroad, who used every effort to have
the European powers take up the matter. No apprehension, however, was felt of this, by our people, and while
they regretted that any apparent insult should have been
offered to Brazil, they were not insensible to the advantage of having thus got rid of one of the rebel pests of the
sea. The vessel was brought to Hampton Roads, where,
owing to injuries received by an accidental collision with
a vessel going out of the harbor, coupled with the damage
she had received when taken by the Wachusett,
she sank
in spite of every effort that could be made to save her Those of her
crew who were on board when she was
taken were afterwards restored to Brazil, and an ample
apology made for the affair.
Our relations with the Hawaiian Islands had been
drawn more close by the presence of an envoy extraordinary from that State. The President, on the 11th of
June, gave audience to the envoy, Hon. Elisha H. Allen,
and in reply to the address made by him, on presenting
his credentials, spoke as follows:--
SIR:--In
every light in which the State of the Hawaiian Islands can
be contemplated, it is an object of profound interest for the United
States.
Virtually it was once a colony. It is now a near and intimate
neighbor.
It is a haven of shelter and refreshment for our merchants,
fishermen,
seamen, and other citizens, when on their lawful occasions they are
navigating the eastern seas and oceans. Its people are free, and its
laws,
language, and religion are largely the fruit of our own teaching and
example. The distinguished part which you, Mr. Minister, have acted
in the history of that interesting country, is well known here. It
gives
me pleasure to assure you of my sincere desire to do what I can to
render now your sojourn in the United States agreeable to yourself,
satisfactory to your sovereign, and beneficial to the Hawaiian people.
In our relations with the other smaller powers there
was nothing especially worthy of mention.
It was manifest, however, that the Great Powers of
Europe were less inclined to interfere with us than they
had ever been. The St. Albans raid and the proceedings
for the extradition of the raiders, were leading to a good
deal of diplomatic correspondence between our Government and that of England. But the readiness of the
Canadian authorities to take measures to deliver up the
offenders and to prevent such incursions for the future,
gave great encouragement to the belief that no serious
difficulty would arise.
There had been another change in the Cabinet, in addition to that which occurred upon the resignation of Mr.
Blair. Attorney-General Bates, on the 25th of Novem
ber, tendered his resignation, to take effect on December
1st. The post was afterwards filled by the appointment
of the Hon. James Speed, of Kentucky.
The death of Chief-Justice Taney, which occurred on
the 12th of October, had left a vacancy in one of the
most important offices in the country. The office was
filled on the 6th day of December, by the appointment of
Mr. Chase, the late Secretary of the Treasury.
Congress met on Monday, the 5th of December, but
the President's message was not sent in till the next day.
It was as follows:--
PRESIDENT'S
MESSAGE.
FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:
Again the blessings of health and abundant harvests
claim our profoundest gratitude to Almighty God.
The condition of our foreign affairs is reasonably
satisfactory.
Mexico continues to be a theatre of civil war. While our political
relations with that country have undergone no change, we have at the
same
time strictly maintained neutrality between the belligerents. At the
request of the States of Costa Rica and Nicaraugua, a competent
engineer
has been authorized to make a survey of the River San Juan and the
port
of San Juan. It is a source of much satisfaction that the
difficulties
which, for a moment, excited some political apprehension, and caused
a
closing of the interoceanic transit route, have been amicably
adjusted,
and that there is a good prospect that the route will soon be
reopened
with an increase of capacity and adaptation. We could not exagger
ate either the commercial or the political importance of that great
improvement. It would be doing injustice to an important South
American
State not to acknowledge the directness, frankness, and cordiality
with
which the States of Colombia have entered into intimate relations
with this
Government. A claims convention has been constituted to complete the
unfinished work of the one which closed its session in 1861.
The new liberal Constitution of Venezuela having
gone into effect with
the universal acquiescence of the people, the Government under it
has
been recognized, and diplomatic intercourse with it has been opened
in a
cordial and friendly spirit.
The long deferred Aves Island claim has been
satisfactorily paid and
discharged. Mutual payments have been made of the claims awarded by
the late joint commission for the settlement of claims between the
United
States and Peru. An earnest and cordial friendship continues to
exist
between the two countries, and such efforts as were in my power have
been used to remove misunderstanding, and avert a threatened war
between
Peru and Spain. Our relations are of the most friendly nature with
Chili, the Argentine Republic, Bolivia, Costa Rica, Paraguay, San
Salvador, and Hayti. During the past no differences of any kind have
arisen with any of these republics; and on the other hand, their
sympathies with the United States are constantly expressed with
cordiality and
earnestness.
The claim arising from the seizure of the cargo of
the brig Macedonian,
in 1821, has been paid in full by the Government of Chili.
Civil war continues in the Spanish part of San
Domingo, apparently
without prospect of an early close.
Official correspondence has been freely opened with
Liberia, and it
gives us a pleasing view of social and political progress in that
republic.
It may be expected to derive new vigor from American influence, improved by the rapid disappearance of slavery in the United States.
I solicit your authority to furnish to the republic a
gunboat, at a moderate cost, to be reimbursed to the United States by instalments.
Such a
vessel is needed for the safety of that State against the native
African
races, and in Liberian hands it would be more effective in arresting
the
African slave-trade than a squadron in our own hands. The possession
of the least organized naval force would stimulate a generous
ambition
in the republic, and the confidence which we should manifest by furnishing it, would win forbearance and favor towards the colony from
all
civilized nations.
The proposed overland telegraph between America and
Europe, by the
way of Behring's Straits and Asiatic Russia, which was sanctioned by
Congress at the last session, has been undertaken under very
favorable
circumstances by an association of American citizens, with the
cordial
good will and support as well of this Government as of those of
Great
Britain and Russia. Assurances have been received from most of the
South American States of their high appreciation of the enterprise,
and
their readiness to co-operate in constructing lines tributary to
that world-encircling communication.
I learn with much satisfaction that the noble design
of a telegraphic
communication between the eastern coast of America and Great Britain
has been renewed, with the full expectation of its early
accomplishment.
Thus it is hoped that, with the return of domestic peace, the
country will
be able to resume with energy and advantage her former high career
of commerce and civilization.
Our very popular and estimable representative in
Egypt died in April
last. An unpleasant altercation, which arose between the temporary
incumbent of the office and the Government of the Pacha, resulted in a
suspension of intercourse. The evil was promptly corrected on the arrival
of
the successor in the consulate, and our relations with Egypt, as
well as
our relations with the Barbary Powers, are entirely satisfactory.
The rebellion which has been so long flagrant in
China, has at last
been suppressed with the co-operating good offices of this
Government,
and of the other Western commercial States. The judicial consular
establishment has become very difficult and onerous, and it will
need
legislative revision to adapt it to the extension of our commerce,
and
to the more intimate intercourse which has been instituted with the
Government and people of that vast empire. China seems to be
accepting
with hearty good will the conventional laws which regulate commerce
and social intercourse among Western nations.
Owing to the peculiar situation of Japan, and the
anomalous form of
its government, the action of that empire, in performing treaty
stipulations, is inconstant and capricious. Nevertheless, good progress has
been effected by the Western powers, moving with enlightened
concert.
Our own pecuniary claims have been allowed or put in course of
settlement,
and the inland sea has been reopened to commerce. There is reason
also
to believe that these proceedings have increased rather than
diminished
the friendship of Japan towards the United States.
The ports of Norfolk, Fernandina, and Pensacola have
been opened by
proclamation. It is hoped that foreign merchants will now consider
whether it is not safer and more profitable to themselves, as well
as just
to the United States, to resort to them and other open ports, than
it
is to pursue, through many hazards, and at vast cost, a contraband
trade
with other ports which are closed, if not by actual military
operations, at
least by a lawful and effective blockade.
For myself, I have no doubt of the power and duty of
the Executive,
under the law of nations, to exclude enemies of the human race from
an
asylum in the United States. If Congress should think that
proceedings
in such cases lack the authority of law, or ought to be further
regulated
by it, I recommend that provision be made for effectually preventing
foreign slave-traders from acquiring domicile and facilities for their
criminal
occupation in our country.
It is possible that if it were a new and open
question, the maritime
powers, with the light they now enjoy, would not concede the
privileges
of a naval belligerent to the insurgents of the United States,
destitute as
they are and always have been equally of ships and of ports and
harbors.
Disloyal emissaries have been neither less assiduous nor more
successful
during the last year than they were before that time in their
efforts,
under favor of that privilege, to embroil our country in foreign
wars. The
desire and determination of the maritime States to defeat that
design are
believed to be as sincere as, and cannot be more earnest than, our
own.
Nevertheless, unforeseen political difficulties have arisen,
especially in
Brazilian and British ports, and on the northern boundary of the
United
States, which have required, and are likely to continue to require,
the
practice of constant vigilance and a just and conciliatory spirit on
the part
of the United States, as well as of the nations concerned and their
Governments. Commissioners have been appointed under the treaty with
Great Britain on the adjustment of the claims of the Hudson's Bay
and
Puget's Sound Agricultural Companies in Oregon, and are now
proceeding
to the execution of the trust assigned to them.
In view of the insecurity of life in the region
adjacent to the Canadian
border by recent assaults and depredations committed by inimical and
desperate persons who are harbored there, it has been thought proper
to give notice that after the expiration of six months, the period
condition-
ally stipulated in the existing arrangements with Great Britain, the
United States must hold themselves at liberty to increase their
naval
armament upon the lakes, if they shall find that proceeding
necessary.
The condition of the border will necessarily come into consideration
in
connection with the question of continuing or modifying the rights
of
transit from Canada through the United States, as well as the
regulation
of imports, which were temporarily established by the Reciprocity
Treaty
of the 5th of June, 1864.
I desire, however, to be understood, while making
this statement, that
the colonial authorities are not deemed to be intentionally unjust
or unfriendly towards the United States; but, on the contrary, there is
every
reason to expect that, with the approval of the Imperial Government,
they will take the necessary measures to prevent new incursions
across
the border.
The act passed at the last session for the
encouragement of immigration
has, so far as was possible, been put into operation.
It seems to need amendment which will enable the
officers of the Government to prevent the practice of frauds against the immigrants
while
on their way and on their arrival in the ports, so as to secure them
here
a free choice of avocations and places of settlement. A liberal
disposition
towards this great national policy is manifested by most of the
European
States, and ought to be reciprocated on our part by giving the
immigrants
effective national protection. I regard our immigrants as one of the
principal replenishing streams which are appointed by Providence to
repair
the ravages of internal war and its wastes of national strength and
health. All that is necessary is to secure the flow of that stream
in its
present fulness, and to that end the Government must in every way
make
it manifest that it neither needs nor designs to impose involuntary
military
service upon those who come from other lands to cast their lot in
our country.
The financial affairs of the Government have been
successfully administered during the last year.
The legislation of the last session of Congress has
beneficially affected
the revenue. Although sufficient time has not yet elapsed to
experience
the full effect of several of the provisions of the acts of Congress
imposing
increased taxation, the receipts during the year, from all sources,
upon the
basis of warrants signed by the Secretary of the Treasury, including
loans
and the balance in the treasury on the first day of July, 1863, were
$1,394,796,007.62, and the aggregate disbursements upon the same
basis
were $1,298,056,101.89, leaving a balance in the treasury, as shown
by
warrants, of $96,739,905.73. Deduct from these amounts the amount of
the principal of the public debt redeemed, and the amount of issues
in
substitution therefor, and the actual cash operations of the
treasury were,
receipts, $884,076,646.77, disbursements, $865,234,087.86, which
leaves a
cash balance in the treasury of $18,842,558.71. Of the receipts,
there
were derived from customs, $102,316,152.99; from lands, $588,333.29;
from direct taxes, $475,648.96; from internal
revenues, $109,741,134.10;
from miscellaneous sources, $47,511,448.10; and from loans applied
to
actual expenditures, including former balance, $623,443,929.13.
There
were disbursed, for the civil service, $27,505,599.46; for pensions
and
Indians, $7,517,930.97; for the War Department, $60,791,842.97; for
the
Navy Department, $85,733,292.97; for interest of the public debt,
$53,685,421.69. Making an aggregate of $865,234,087 86, and leaving
a
balance in the treasury of $18,842,558.71, as before stated.
For the actual receipts and disbursements for the
first quarter, and the
estimated receipts and disbursements for the three remaining
quarters of
the current fiscal year, and the general operations of the Treasury
in
detail, I refer you to the report of the Secretary of the Treasury.
I concur with him in the opinion that the proportion of the moneys
required to
meet the expenses consequent upon the war derived from taxation
should
be still further increased; and I earnestly invite your attention to
this
subject, to the end that there may be such additional legislation as
shall
be required to meet the just expectations of the Secretary. The
public
debt on the 1st day of July last, as appears by the books of the
Treasury,
amounted to one billion seven hundred and forty million six hundred
and
ninety thousand four hundred and eighty-nine dollars and forty-nine
cents.
Probably, should the war continue for another year, that amount may
be
increased by not far from five hundred millions. Held as it is, for
the
most part, by our own people, it has become a substantial branch of
national though private property. For obvious reasons, the more
nearly
this property can be distributed among all the people, the better.
To
favor such general distribution, greater inducements to become
owners,
perhaps, might with good effect and without injury, be presented to
persons
of limited means. With this view, I suggest whether it might not be
both expedient and competent for Congress to provide that a limited
amount of some future issue of public securities might be held, by
any
bona-fide purchaser, exempt from taxation and from seizure for debt.
under such restrictions and limitations as might be necessary to
guard
against abuse of so important a privilege. This would enable prudent
persons to set aside a small annuity against a possible day of want.
Privileges like these would render the possession of such securities
to the
amount limited most desirable to any person of small means who might
be able to save enough for the purpose. The great advantage of
citizens
being creditors as well as debtors with relation to the public debt
is
obvious. Men readily perceive that they cannot be much oppressed by
a
debt which they owe to themselves. The public debt on the 1st day of
July
last, although somewhat exceeding the estimate of the Secretary of
the
Treasury made to Congress at the commencement of last session, falls
short of the estimate of that officer made in the preceding December
as to
its provable amount at the beginning of this year, by the sum of
$3,995,079.33. This fact exhibits a satisfactory condition and
conduct of
the operations of the Treasury.
The national banking system is proving to be
acceptable to capitalists
and to the people. On the 25th day of November, five hundred and
eighty-four national banks had been organized, a considerable number
of
which were conversions from State banks. Changes from the State sys-
tem to the national system are rapidly taking place, and it is hoped
that
very soon there will be in the United States no banks of issue not
authorized by Congress, and no bank-note circulation not secured by the
Government. That the Government and the people will derive general benefit from this change in the banking system of the country can
hardly be
questioned. The national system will create a reliable and permanent
influence in support of the national credit, and protect the people
against
losses in the use of paper money. Whether or not any further
legislation
is advisable for the suppression of State bank issues, it will be
for Congress
to determine. It seems quite clear that the Treasury cannot be
satisfactorily conducted, unless the Government can exercise a restraining
power
over the bank-note circulation of the country.
The report of the Secretary of War and the
accompanying documents
will detail the campaigns of the armies in the field since the date
of the last
annual message, and also the operations of the several
administrative
bureaux of the War Department during the last year. It will also
specify
the measures deemed essential for the national defence, and to keep
up and
supply the requisite military force. The report of the Secretary of
the Navy
presents a comprehensive and satisfactory exhibit of the affairs of
that department and of the naval service. It is a subject of congratulation
and
laudable pride to our countrymen that a navy of such proportions has
been organized in so brief a period, and conducted with so much
efficiency
and success. The general exhibit of the navy, including vessels
under
construction on the 1st of December, 1864, shows a total of 671
vessels,
carrying 4,610 guns, and 510,396 tons, being an actual increase
during
the year, over and above all losses by shipwreck or in battle, of 83
vessels, 167 guns, and 42,427 tons. The total number of men at this
time in
the naval service, including officers, is about 51,000. There have
been
captured by the navy during the year 324 vessels, and the whole
number
of naval captures since hostilities commenced is 1,379, of which 267
are
steamers. The gross proceeds arising from the sale of condemned
prize
property thus far reported amounts to $14,396,250.51. A large amount
of such proceeds is still under adjudication, and yet to be
reported. The
'total expenditures of the Navy Department, of every description,
including
the cost of the immense squadrons that have been called into
existence
from the 4th of March, 1861, to the 1st of November, 1864, are
$238,647,262.35. Your favorable consideration is invited to the
various
recommendations of the Secretary of the Navy, especially in regard
to a
navy-yard and suitable establishment for the construction and repair
of
iron vessels and the machinery and armature of our ships, to which
reference was made in my last annual message.
Your attention is also invited to the views expressed
in the report relation to the legislation of Congress, at its last
session, in respect to
prize on our inland waters.
I cordially concur in the recommendations of the
Secretary as to the
propriety of creating the new rank of vice-admiral in our naval
service.
Your attention is invited to the report of the
Postmaster-General for a
detailed account of the operations and financial condition of the
Post-Office Department.
The postal revenues for the year ending June 30,
1864, amounted to
$12,468,253.78, and the expenditures to $12,644,786.20; the excess
of
expenditures over receipts being $206,652.42.
The views presented by the Postmaster-General on the
subject of
special grants by the Government, in aid of the establishment of new
lines of ocean mail steamships, and the policy he recommends for the
development of increased commercial intercourse with adjacent and
neighboring countries, should receive the careful consideration of
Congress.
It is of noteworthy interest, that the steady
expansion of population,
improvement, and governmental institutions over the new and
unoccupied
portions of our country, has scarcely been checked, much less
impeded
or destroyed by our great civil war, which at first glance would
seem to
have absorbed almost the entire energies of the nation.
The organization and admission of the State of Nevada
has been completed in conformity with law, and thus our excellent system is
firmly
established in the mountains which once seemed a barren and
uninhabitable waste between the Atlantic States and those which have grown up
on the coast of the Pacific Ocean.
The Territories of the Union are generally in a
condition of prosperity
and rapid growth. Idaho and Montana, by reason of their great
distance
and the interruption of communication with them by Indian
hostilities,
have been only partially organized; but it is understood that these
difficulties are about to disappear, which will permit their Governments
like
those of the others to go into speedy and full operation.
As intimately connected with and promotive of this
material growth of
the nation, I ask the attention of Congress to the valuable
information
and important recommendations relating to the public lands, Indian
affairs,
the Pacific Railroads, and mineral discoveries contained in the
report of
the Secretary, of the Interior, which is herewith transmitted, and
which
report also embraces the subjects of patents, pensions, and other
topics of
public interest pertaining to his department. The quantity of public
land
disposed of during the five quarters ending on the thirtieth of
September
last, was 4,221,342 acres, of which 1,538,614 acres were entered
under
the homestead law. The remainder was located with military land warrants, agricultural scrip certified to States for railroads, and
sold for
cash. The cash received from sales and location fees was $1,019,446.
The income from sales during the fiscal year ending June 30, 1864,
was $678,007.21, against $136,077.95 received during the preceding
year. The aggregate number of acres surveyed during the year has
been
equal to the quantity disposed of, and there is open to settlement
about
133,000,000 acres of surveyed land.
The great enterprise of connecting the Atlantic with
the Pacific
States by railways and telegraph lines has been entered upon with a
vigor that gives assurance of success, notwithstanding the
embarrassments arising from the prevailing high prices of materials and
labor.
The route of the main line of the road has been definitely located
for one hundred miles westward from the central point at Omaha City,
Nebraska, and a preliminary location of the Pacific Railroad of
California has been made from Sacramento, eastward, to the great bend of
Mucker River, in Nevada. Numerous discoveries of gold, silver, and
cinnabar mines have been added to the many heretofore known, and the
country occupied by the Sierra Nevada and Rocky Mountains and the
subordinate ranges now teems with enterprising labor which is richly
remunerative. It is believed that the product of the mines of
precious
metals in that region has during the year reached, if not exceeded,
$100,000,000 in value.
It was recommended in my last annual message that our
Indian
system be remodelled. Congress at its last session, acting upon the
recommendation, did provide for reorganizing the system in
California,
and it is believed that, under the present organization, the
management
of the Indians there will be attended with reasonable success. Much
yet
remains to be done to provide for the proper government of the
Indians
in other parts of the country, to render it secure for the advancing
settler
and to provide for the welfare of the nation. The Secretary
reiterates
his recommendations, and to them the attention of Congress is
invited.
The liberal provisions made by Congress for paying
pensions to invalid
soldiers and sailors of the Republic, and to the widows, orphans,
and
dependent mothers of those who have fallen in battle, or died of
disease
contracted, or of wounds received in the service of their country,
have
been diligently administered.
There have been added to the pension-rolls, during
the year ending
the 30th day of June last, the names of 16,770 invalid soldiers, and
of
271 disabled seamen; making the present number of army invalid pensioners 22,767, and of the navy invalid pensioners, 712. Of widows,
orphans, and mothers, 22,198 have been placed on the army
pension-rolls,
and 248 on the navy rolls. The present number of army pensioners of
this class is 25,448, and of the navy pensioners, 793. At the
beginning
of the year the number of Revolutionary pensioners was 1,430; only
twelve of them were soldiers, of whom seven have since died. The
remainder are those who under the law receive pensions because of
relationship to Revolutionary soldiers.
During the year ending the 80th of June, 1864,
$4,504,616.92 have
been paid to pensioners of all classes.
I cheerfully commend to your continued patronage the
benevolent institutions of the District of Columbia, which have
hitherto been established or fostered by Congress, and respectfully refer for
information concerning them, and in relation to the Washington Aqueduct, the
Capitol,
and other matters of local interest, to the report of the Secretary.
The Agricultural Department, under the supervision of
its present
energetic and faithful head, is rapidly commending itself to the
great and
vital interest it was created to advance. It is peculiarly the
people's
department, in which they feel more directly concerned than in any
other.
I commend it to the continued attention and fostering care of
Congress.
The war continues. Since the last animal message, all
the important
lines and positions then occupied by our forces have been
maintained, and
our armies have steadily advanced, thus liberating the regions left
in the
rear; so that Missouri, Kentucky, Tennessee, and parts of other
States
have again produced reasonably fair crops.
The most remarkable feature in the military
operations of the year is
General Sherman's attempted march of three hundred miles, directly
through an insurgent region. It tends to show a great increase of
our
relative strength, that our General-in-Chief should feel able to
confront
and hold in check every active force of the enemy, and yet to detach
a
well-appointed large army to move on such an expedition. The result
not yet being known, conjecture in regard to it cannot here be
indulged.
Important movements have also occurred during the
year, to the effect
of moulding society for durability in the Union. Although short of
complete success, it is much in the right direction that 12,000
citizens in each
of the States of Arkansas and Louisiana have organized loyal State
Governments, with free constitutions, and are earnestly struggling to
maintain and
administer them.
The movements in the same direction, more extensive
though less
definite, in Missouri, Kentucky, and Tennessee, should not be
overlooked.
But Maryland presents the example of complete
success. Maryland is
secure to liberty and Union for all the future. The genius of
rebellion
will no more claim Maryland. Like another foul spirit, being driven
out,
it may seek to tear her, but it will woo her no more.
At the last session of
Congress, a proposed amendment of the Constitution, abolishing slavery throughout the United States, passed the
Senate,
but failed for lack of the requisite two-thirds vote in the House of
Representatives. Although the present is the same Congress, and nearly
the
same members, and without questioning the wisdom or patriotism of
those
who stood in opposition, I venture to recommend the reconsideration
and
passage of the measure at the present session. Of course the
abstract question is not changed, but an intervening election shows almost
certainly that
the next Congress will pass the measure, if this does not. Hence
there is
only a question of time as to when she proposed amendment will go to
the
States for their action; and as it is to go at all events, may we
not agree
that the sooner the better? It is not claimed that the election has
imposed a duty on members to change their views or their votes any
further
than as an additional element to be considered. Their
judgment maybe affected by it. It is the voice of the people now for
the first time heard upon the question. In a great national crisis like
ours, unanimity of action among those seeking a common end is very
desirable--almost indispensable; and yet no approach to such unanimity
is attainable unless some deference shall be paid to the will of the
majority. In this case the common end is the maintenance of the Union, and among
the means to secure that end, such will, through the election, is
most clearly declared in favor of such constitutional amendment. The most
reliable indication of public purpose in this country is derived through
our popular elections. Judging by the recent canvass and its results, the
purpose of the people within the loyal States to maintain the integrity of
the Union was never more firm nor more nearly unanimous than now. The
extraordinary calmness and good order with which the millions of voters
met and mingled at the polls, give strong assurance of this. Not only
all those who supported the Union ticket (so called), but a great
majority of the opposing party also, may be fairly claimed to entertain and to
be actuated by the same purpose. It is an unanswerable argument to this
effect that no candidate for any office whatever, high or low, has ventured to
seek votes on the avowal that he was for giving up the Union. There has
been much impugning of motives, and much heated controversy as to
the proper means and best mode of advancing the Union cause; but in
the distinct issue of Union or no Union, the politicians have shown their
instinctive knowledge that there is no diversity among the people. In
affording the people the fair opportunity of showing one to another, and to
the world, this firmness and unanimity of purpose, the election has been
of vast value to the national cause. The election has exhibited another
fact, not less valuable to be known--the fact that we do not approach
exhaustion in the most important branch of the national resources--that of
living men. While it is melancholy to reflect that the war has filled so many
graves, and caused mourning to so many hearts, it is some relief to know
that, compared with the surviving, the fallen have been so few. While
corps and divisions and regiments have formed and fought and dwindled and
gone out of existence, a great majority of the men who composed them
are still living. The same is true of the naval service. The election
returns prove this. So many voters could not else be found. The States
regularly holding elections, both now and four years ago--to wit:
California, Connecticut, Delaware, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kentucky,
Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Missouri, New
Hampshire, New Jersey, New York, Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island,
Vermont, West Virginia, and Wisconsin--cast 3,982,011 votes now,
against 3,870,222 cast then; showing an aggregate now of 3,982,011, to which
is to be added 33,762 cast now in the new States of Kansas and
Nevada, which. States did not vote in 1860; thus swelling the aggregate to
4,015,773, and the net increase, during the three years and a half of
war, to 145,551. A table is appended, showing particulars. To this again
should be added the
numbers of all soldiers in the
field belonging to Massachusetts, Rhode
Island, New Jersey, Delaware, Indiana, Illinois, and California, who
by
the laws of those States could not vote away from their homes, and
which
number cannot be less than 90,000. Nor yet is this all. The number
in
organized Territories is triple now what it was four years ago,
while
thousands, white and black, join us as the national arms press back
the
insurgent lines. So much is shown affirmatively and negatively by
the election. It is not material to inquire how the increase has been
produced, or to
show that it would have been greater but for the war, which is
probably
true. The important fact remains demonstrated that we have more men
now than we had when the war began; that we are not exhausted, nor
in process of exhaustion; that we are gaining strength, and may, if
need
be, maintain the contest indefinitely. This as to men.
COMPARATIVE VOTE, 1860 AND 1864.
| |
1860. |
1864. |
| Kentucky |
148,216 |
91,300 |
| Maine |
97,918 |
115,141 |
| Maryland |
92,502 |
72,703 |
| Massachusetts |
169,533 |
175,487 |
| Michigan |
154,747 |
162,41 |
| Minnesota |
34,799 |
42,534 |
| Missouri |
165,538 |
1 90,000 |
| New Hampshire |
65,953 |
69,111 |
| New Jersey |
121,125 |
128,680 |
| New York |
675,156 |
730,664 |
| Ohio |
442,441 |
470,745 |
| Oregon |
14,410 |
2 14,410 |
| Pennsylvania |
476,442 |
572,697 |
| Rhode Island |
19,931 |
22,187 |
| Vermont |
42,844 |
55,811 |
| West Virginia |
46,195 |
33,874 |
| Wisconsin |
152,180 |
148,513 |
| |
--------- |
--------- |
| Total |
3,870,222 |
3,982,011 |
| Kansas |
17,234 |
|
|
Nevada |
16,528 |
33,762 |
| |
--------- |
|
Total |
|
4,015,773 |
Material resources are now more
complete and abundant than ever.
The national resources, then, are unexhausted, and, as we believe,
inexhaustible. The public purpose to re-establish and maintain the
national
authority is unchanged, and, as we believe, unchangeable. The manner
of continuing the effort remains to choose. On careful consideration
of
all the evidence accessible, it seems to me that no attempt at
negotiation
with the insurgent leader could result in any good. He would accept
of
nothing short of the severance of the Union. His declarations to
this
effect are explicit and oft repeated. He does not attempt to deceive
us.
He affords us no excuse to deceive ourselves. We cannot voluntarily
yield it. Between him and us the issue is distinct, simple, and
inflexible. It
is an issue which can only be tried by war, and decided by victory.
If
we yield, we are beaten If the Southern people fail him, he is
beaten.
Either way it would be the victory and defeat following war. What is
true, however, of him who heads the insurgent cause, is not
necessarily
true of those who follow. Although he cannot reaccept the Union,
they
can. Some of them we know already desire peace and reunion. The
number of such may increase. They can at any moment have peace
simply by laying down their arms and submitting to the national
authority under the Constitution. After so much the Government could
not, if it would, maintain war against them. The loyal people would
not
sustain or allow it. If questions should remain, we would adjust
them by
the peaceful means of legislation, conference, courts, and votes,
operating
only in constitutional and lawful channels. Some certain and other
possible questions are, and would be beyond the executive power to
adjust-as, for instance, the admission of members into Congress, and
whatever
might require the appropriation of money. The executive power itself
would be greatly diminished by the cessation of actual war. Pardons
and
remissions of forfeiture, however, would still be within the
executive control. In what spirit and temper this control would be exercised, can
be
fairly judged of by the past. A year ago general pardon and amnesty,
upon specified terms, were offered to all except certain designated
classes,
and it was at the same time made known that the excepted classes
were
still within contemplation of special clemency. During the year many
availed themselves of the general provision, and many more would,
only
that the signs of bad faith in some led to such precautionary
measures as
rendered the practical process less easy and certain. During the
same
time, also, special pardons have been granted to individuals of
excepted
classes, and no voluntary application has been denied.
Thus practically the door has been for a full year
open to all, except
such as were not in condition to make free choice--that is such as
were in
custody or under constraint. It is still so open to all; but the
time may
come, probably will come, when public duty shall demand that it be
closed,
and that in lieu more vigorous measures than heretofore shall be
adopted.
In presenting the abandonment of armed resistance to
the national authority on the part of the insurgents as the only indispensable
condition
to ending the war on the part of the Government, I retract nothing
heretofore said as to slavery. I repeat the declaration made a year
ago,
that while I remain in my present position I shah not attempt to retract or modify the Emancipation Proclamation. Nor shall I return to
slavery any person who is free by the terms of that proclamation or
by
any of the acts of Congress.
If the people should, by whatever mode or means, make
it an executive
duty to re-enslave such persons, another, and not I, must be their
instrument to perform it.
In stating a single condition of peace, I mean simply
to say, that the war will cease on the part of the Government
whenever it shall have
ceased on the part of those who began it.
| (Signed) |
ABRAHAM LINCOLN. |
But little business of importance was transacted in Congress before the holidays. The question of the admission
of senators and representatives from Louisiana made its
appearance at once, but the credentials of the applicants
for admission were referred to appropriate committees, and
no other action was taken on them.
On the 12th of December the House passed a resolution
requesting the President to give notice of the intention of
the Government to terminate the Reciprocity Treaty between this country and Canada. A resolution to the same
effect, but differing in words, was reported in the Senate
by Mr. Sumner, but no action was taken on it until Congress reassembled after the holidays.
We may mention also the attack made upon the Administration by Mr. H. Winter Davis, on the 15th of
December, for its course in relation to Mexico, by offering,
as Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, the
following resolution:--
Resolved,
That Congress has a constitutional right to an authoritative
voice in declaring and prescribing the foreign policy of the United
States,
as well in the recognition of new powers as in other matters, and it
is the
constitutional duty of the President to respect that policy, not
less in
diplomatic relations than in the use of the national forces when
authorized by law, and the propriety of any declaration of foreign policy
by
Congress is sufficiently proved by the vote which pronounces it; and
such
proposition, while pending and undetermined, is not a fit topic of
diplomatic explanation with any foreign power.
The House laid the resolution on the table by a vote of
sixty-nine to sixty-three, whereupon Mr. Davis requested
to be excused from further service on the Committee on
Foreign Affairs; his request was granted accordingly.
Five days later, however, Mr. Davis renewed the attack,
offering the same resolution, and this time with better success. The first branch of the resolution was adopted by
a vote of one hundred and eighteen to eight, and the second by a vote of
sixty-eight to fifty-eight. No further
action was taken by Congress in the matter, nor was it
ever publicly referred to by the President.
Congress adjourned on the 23d of December for the
holidays. The Presidential reception on New Year's day
was the occasion of a remarkable spectacle for Washington, in the appearance of the colored people at the White
House. They waited around the doors till the crowd of
white visitors diminished, when the made bold to enter
the hall. Some of them were richly dressed, while others
wore the garb of poverty; but alike intent on seeing the
man who had set their nation free, they pressed forward,
though with hesitation, into the presence of the President.
Says an eye-witness--
For nearly
two hours Mr. Lincoln had been shaking the hands of the
"sovereigns," and had become excessively weary, and his grasp became
languid; but here his nerves rallied at the unwonted sight, and he
welcomed this motley crowd with a heartiness that made them wild with
exceeding joy. They laughed and wept, and wept and laughed,
exclaiming,
through their blinding tears, "God bless you!" "God bless Abraham
Lincoln!" "God bress Massa Linkum!"
The proceedings pending before the Canadian court,
when Congress met, for the extradition of the St. Albans
raiders, were brought to an unexpected termination on the
13th of December, by the decision of Mr. Justice Coursol,
by whom the case was heard, discharging the accused
from custody on the alleged ground of want of jurisdiction. Not only were these men thus discharged, but
the money which they had stolen from the banks was
given up to them, under circumstances which cast
great suspicion upon prominent members of the Canadian Government. This result caused the most intense
indignation throughout the States. General Dix, commanding the Eastern Department, immediately issued
an order referring to it, and directing all military commanders on the frontiers, in case of any future raids, to
shoot down the perpetrators; "or, if it be necessary,
with a view to their capture, to cross the boundary between the United
States and Canada, said commanders
are hereby directed to pursue them wherever they may
find refuge, and if captured, they are under no circumstances to be surrendered," &c., &c. This part of the
order was, however, at once disapproved by the Administration, and General Dix accordingly modified his
order so as to require that, before crossing the frontier, military commanders should report to him for
orders.
The prompt action of the Canadian Government, which
at once caused the rearrest of such of the raiders as
had not made their escape, and gave a cordial assistance
to the new proceedings which were begun with a view
to their extradition, tended somewhat to allay public
feeling. But it was deemed advisable to take some
measures of precaution along the frontier, and accordingly on the 17th of December an order was issued that
no person should be allowed to enter the United States
from a foreign country without a passport, except immigrants coming directly in by sea. This order was made
with especial reference to those, coming into the United
States from the British Provinces, and the people of
Canada were excessively indignant at it, but found no
remedy.
Military affairs during this month made good progress.
The call which had been made in July for five hundred
thousand men, although it produced a good number of recruits, so that military operations had not suffered for lack
of re-enforcements, yet had been in great measure filled
by giving credits for men already put into the army or
the navy. Accordingly, on the 19th of December, the
President issued the following proclamation calling for
two hundred thousand more men:--
PROCLAMATION.
WHEREAS, by
the act approved July 4, 1864, entitled "An act further to regulate and provide for the enrolling and calling out of
the
national forces and for other purposes," it is provided that the
President
of the United States may, at his discretion, at any time hereafter,
call for
any number of men as volunteers for the respective terms of one,
two, or three years of military service; and that in case the quota
or any part
thereof of any town, township, ward of a city, precinct, or election
district,
or of a county not so subdivided, shall not be filled within the
space of
fifty days after such call, the President shall immediately order a
draft
for one year to fill such quota, or any part thereof which may be
unfilled; and whereas by the credits allowed in accordance with act of
Congress on the call for five hundred thousand men made July 18, 1864,
the number of men to be obtained was reduced to two hundred and
eighty thousand; and whereas the operations of the enemy in certain
States have rendered it impracticable to procure from them their
full
quotas of troops under said call; and whereas; from the foregoing
causes,
but two hundred and fifty thousand men have been put into the army,
navy,
and marine corps under the said call of July 18, 1864, leaving a
deficiency
under the said call of two hundred and sixty thousand: Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States of America,
in
order to supply the aforesaid deficiency, and to provide for
casualties
in the military and naval service of the United States, do issue
this my
call for three hundred thousand volunteers, to serve for one, two,
or three
years.
The quotas of the States, districts, and
sub-districts, under this call,
will be assigned by the War Department through the Provost-Marshal.
General of the United States: and in case the quota, or any part
thereof,
of any town, township, ward of a city, precinct or election
district, or of
a county not so sub-divided, shall not be filled before the 15th day
of
February, 1865, then a draft shall be made to fill such quota, or
any part
thereof, under this call, which may be unfilled on the said 15th day
of
February, 1865.
In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand
and caused the
seal of the United States to be affixed.
Done at the City of Washington, this nineteenth day
of December, in
the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty [L. S.] four, and of the independence of the United States the
eighty-ninth. ABRAHAM LINCOLN
By the President: WM. H. SEWARD, Secretary
of State.
Operations in the field continued to meet with great success. General Sherman, after an almost unobstructed march
across the State of Georgia, burst through to the sea by
the capture, on December 13th, of Fort McAllister, on the
Ogeechee River, whose fall opened communications for
him with the fleet. Operations to assist him by an attack
upon the line of railroad from Savannah to Charleston,
had succeeded in retaining a heavy force of the rebels
there, although there seems to have been little effort to concentrate
forces to check Sherman's march. It threatened so many and so diverse points that the rebels were
bewildered and were not able to make any successful resistance. General Hardee, who commanded in Savannah,
determined not to await a siege, but, as soon as Sherman
began to get his guns in position, abandoned the city,
crossing the Savannah River at night on a pontoon bridge
and making his escape, with about fifteen thousand men,
into South Carolina. Savannah, thus abandoned, surrendered at once on the 21st of December to General Sherman,
who on the 22d sent a dispatch to the President, presenting to him "as a Christmas gift, the city of Savannah with
one hundred and fifty heavy guns and plenty of ammunition, and also about twenty-five thousand bales of cotton."
The fall of Savannah was not the only success which
made the month of December glorious. It was preceded
by the three days' fight in front of Nashville, when Hood's
army was crushed by the attack of General Thomas, and
that northward campaign, for the purpose of entering
upon which he had left the way open for Sherman to
pierce the very vitals of the Confederacy, and by which
he had hoped in some degree to neutralize the value of
Sherman's progress, was turned at once into utter destruction. His losses during this brief campaign were
estimated at more than twenty thousand men.
Several expeditions were also sent out by our generals
into various parts of the rebel territory--into Mississippi,
the southwest parts of Virginia and North Carolina--which
met with success, and inflicted great loss upon the rebels.
In front of Petersburg General Grant still maintained
his position. A heavy force under General Warren was
sent out during the early part of the month in the
direction of Weldon. The Weldon Railroad was thoroughly destroyed nearly as far as Hicksford, and the expedition returned without serious loss. The weather,
which was extremely inclement, was the principal obstacle
which they encountered. A far more important, movement,
however, was the attack upon Fort Fisher, which commanded the main entrance to the port of Wilmington, the great
head-quarters of blockade running. This expedition sailed from Fortress Monroe on the 13th of December. It consisted of a strong fleet under Rear-Admiral
D. D. Porter, assisted by a land force under command of
General Butler. A prominent feature of it was a vessel
loaded with several hundred tons of powder, which it was
intended to run ashore as near as possible to the fort and
there explode. It was supposed, from the terrible effects
caused by the accidental firing some months before of a
magazine in England containing about that amount, that
the explosion of so large a quantity of powder would
entirely destroy or greatly damage the fort and utterly demoralize the garrison. The vessels rendezvoused at Beau
fort, North Carolina, and thence sailed for Fort Fisher.
But there seems to have been a lack of concert of action
between the navy and the army. The powder boat
was exploded before the army transports arrived, and
whether the work was so imperfectly done that only a
small portion of the powder was fired, or whether a difference of circumstances led to a different result, it produced little or no effect. A heavy bombardment by
the fleet followed, lasting for a day and a half, under cover
of which the troops were landed above the fort. An
outlying battery was captured by them, but on a reconnoissance of the main works they were reported to be
but little injured by the fire of the fleet, and too strong
to be attacked by the force under General Butler's command; and he accordingly re-embarked and returned
with them to Fortress Monroe, and the attack was abandoned.
The persistency of General Grant showed itself here,
however, as it had done so many times before. He immediately sent a somewhat larger force, under the command
of General Terry, to renew the attack. The fleet, which
had replenished its magazines, renewed the bombardment
more terribly than before, this time causing great injury
to the works, and the troops were again landed for a second
assault upon the fort, whose garrison had been in the mean
time greatly strengthened.
The failure of the former assault had caused great vexation and disgust throughout the country. It was thought
that even if the forces were not heavy enough to make a
successful assault, they might at least have maintained
their ground on shore until a stronger force could be sent,
and it was intimated pretty broadly that the assault should
have been ordered.
General Butler was removed from the command of the
Army of the James on the 8th of January. In his farewell order he, on his part, assumed and asserted that his
removal was because he had been too chary of the lives
of his men.
Great controversy arose on this point, and assumed at
once a political aspect. General Butler was called before
the Congressional Committee on the Conduct of the War,
and was in the very act of giving his testimony as to the
facts and his reasons for judging an assault impracticable,
when the news arrived of the capture of the fort on the
night of the 15th of January, after the most desperate assault of the war. This result put a stop to the controversy which was rising, and spread the greatest joy
through the country, as it was at once seen that the result
must be the closing of the only port which had remained
open to the blockade runners, and the capture of Wilmington itself. The Richmond papers endeavored to make
light of it, and spoke of it as a blessing in disguise;" but
this deceived no one. It was felt that the last breathing-hole of the rebellion was closed, and that its power must
speedily succumb between the mighty forces of the army
which Grant held immovable before Petersburg and
General Lee, and that other army which General Sherman was already moving forward on its destructive march
through South Carolina towards the rear of Richmond.
The death of Edward Everett, which occurred on
the day of the fall of Fort Fisher, was felt to be a
great loss to the country. The patriotic position which
he had taken at the beginning of the rebellion and
steadily maintained, the uniform support which he had
given to the Administration, lending even the weight of his name to the
electoral ticket in Massachusetts, and his
constant and valuable labors for the cause, fully justified
the following order, issued at Washington on the receipt
of the news of his death:--
DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
WASHINGTON, Sunday,
January 15.
The President directs the undersigned to perform
the painful duty of
announcing to the people of the United States, that EDWARD EVERETT,
distinguished not more by learning and eloquence than by unsurpassed
and disinterested labors of patriotism at a period of political
disorder,
departed this life at four o'clock this morning. The several
Executive
Departments of the Government will cause appropriate honors to be
rendered to the memory of the deceased, at home and abroad, wherever
the national name and authority are recognized.
| (Signed) |
WILLIAM H. SEWARD.- |
The President referred to this death in some remarks
which he made on the 24th of January, on the occasion
of the presentation to him of a vase of skeleton leaves
gathered on the battle-field of Gettysburg, which had
been one of the ornaments of the Sanitary Fair at Philadelphia. The chairman of the committee having presented the gift, the President acknowledged its receipt as
follows:--
REVEREND SIR, AND LADIES AND GENTLEMEN:--I accept with emotions
of profoundest gratitude, the beautiful gift you have been pleased to
present to me. You will, of course, expect that I acknowledge it. So much
has
been said about Gettysburg, and so well, that for me to attempt to say
more may perhaps only serve to weaken the force of that which has
already
been said. A most graceful and eloquent tribute was paid to the
patriotism
and self-denying labors of the American ladies, on the occasion of the
consecration of the National Cemetery at Gettysburg, by our illustrious
friend,
Edward Everett, now, alas! departed from earth. His life was a truly
great one, and I think the greatest part of it was that which crowned
its closing years. I wish you to read, if you have not already done so,
the eloquent and truthful words which he then spoke of the women of
America. Truly, the services they have rendered to the defenders of our
country in this perilous time, and are yet rendering, can never be estimated as they ought to be. For your kind wishes to me personally, I
beg leave to render you likewise my sincerest thanks. I assure you they
are reciprocated. And now, gentlemen and ladies, may God bless you
all.
Several important matters were brought before Congress during January.
The Senate passed the House resolution requesting
the President to give notice of the termination of the Reciprocity Treaty, but with amendments, in which the
House concurred.
The question of retaliation came up in the Senate, and
after a lengthy debate a resolution passed the Senate, on
the 31st of January, advising retaliation, but such as was
conformable to the usages of war as practised among civilized nations.
Great excitement was aroused in the House by a debate upon the conduct of General Butler in New Orleans,
arising out of a speech by Mr. Brooks, of New York, in
which he spoke of the General as "a gold robber."
General Butler, hearing of this, sent one of his aids to
Mr. Brooks with a letter, asking whether he was correctly
reported, and whether there was any explanation, other
than what appeared in the report, of his language, saying that the bearer would call for his answer at any
place or time he might designate. Mr. Brooks chose to
regard this as a challenge, and therefore an invasion
of his privileges as a member of the House, and he accordingly sought to bring it before that body. The
Speaker decided that the letter was no invasion of privilege. Mr. Brooks appealed from the decision of the
chair, and a heated debate followed, which was closed
by the withdrawal of the appeal.
A very important resolution, reported by the Judiciary
Committee, passed the House on the 30th of January,
setting forth that as the local authorities of the States of
Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Tennessee, Louisiana, and Arkansas had
rebelled against the Government, and were in rebellion
on the 9th of November, 1864, therefore,
Resolved,
That the States mentioned in the preamble to this resolution
shall not be entitled to representation in the Electoral College for
the
choice of President and Vice-President of the United States, for the
term of office commencing on the 4th of March next, and no electoral
votes shall be received or counted from those States.
But by far the most important action which was taken during the whole
session was the passage, on the 31st of
January, of the resolution for the constitutional amendment prohibiting slavery. This resolution, as will be
recollected, passed the Senate early in the previous session,
but coming up in the House, it failed at that time to receive
the requisite two-thirds vote. A motion for a reconsideration was made and laid upon the table. It was taken
from the table early in this session, and was debated at
great length. It was very soon manifest that by the progress of events the amendment had gained strength since
the previous attempt to pass it. The debate was closed by
a call for the previous question, for it was a subject on
which debate could never be exhausted. The motion to reconsider was carried, by a vote of one hundred and twelve
to fifty-seven. The question then recurred on the passage
of the resolution, on which the vote was taken amid the
deepest interest. The Speaker directed his own name to
be called as a member of the House, and voted aye. His
vote was received with loud applause, which he promptly
checked; and when the votes of several Democrats were
given in favor of the resolution, they were also greeted
with applause, and the hopes of the friends of the measure rose, for although two-thirds had not voted in favor
of the reconsideration, it was manifest that the vote on
the resolution was gaining in strength. When the vote
was declared, and it was announced that the resolution
was passed by a vote of one hundred and nineteen yeas
to fifty-six nays, tumultuous applause broke forth, not
only in the galleries, but also on the floor of the House,
which immediately adjourned.
The adoption of this amendment was hailed with universal satisfaction. Those who had from the beginning
regarded slaver as the cause of the rebellion, and had,
therefore, made its extinction the indispensable condition
of peace, saw in the action of Congress the fruition of
their hopes and labors; while the great body of the people, wearied by the protracted contest and satisfied that
none but the extremest measures would bring it to a close,
acquiesced in the prohibition of slavery as a legitimate consequence of
the rebellion, and as promising substantial compensation to the nation for the ravages of war.
President Lincoln had regarded the passage of the
amendment with special interest. He regarded it as covering whatever defects a rigid construction of the Constitution might find in his proclamation of emancipation, and
as the only mode in which the perpetual prohibition of
slavery could be placed beyond doubt or cavil. His view
of the subject was indicated in the remarks which he addressed to an enthusiastic crowd, which gathered before
the executive mansion, on the evening of the adoption of
the resolution, to congratulate him upon this auspicious
triumph. In response to their calls, he said:--
He supposed
the passage through Congress of the constitutional amendment for the abolishing of slavery throughout the United States was
the
occasion to which he was indebted for the honor of this call.
The occasion was one of congratulation to the
country, and to the
whole world. But there is a task yet before us--to go forward and
consummate by the votes of the. States that which Congress so nobly
began
yesterday. (Applause and cries, "They will do it," &c.) He had the
honor to inform those present that Illinois had already done the
work.
Maryland was about half through, but he felt proud that Illinois was
a
little ahead.
He thought this measure was a very fitting if not
an indispensable
adjunct to the winding up of the great difficulty. He wished the
reunion of all the States perfected, and so effected as to remove
all
causes of disturbance in the future; and, to attain this end, it was
necessary that the original disturbing cause should, if possible, be
rooted out. He thought all would bear him witness that he had never
shrunk from doing all that he could to eradicate slavery, by issuing
an
Emancipation Proclamation. But that proclamation falls short of what
the amendment will be when fully consummated. A question might be
raised whether the proclamation was legally valid. It might be
added,
that it only aided those who came into our lines, and that it was
inoperative as to those who did not give themselves up; or that it
would have no effect upon the children of the slaves born hereafter;
in
fact, it would be urged that it did not meet the evil. But this
amendment is a king's cure for all evils. It winds the whole thing up. He
would repeat, that it was the fitting if not the indispensable
adjunct to
the consummation of the great game we are playing. He could not but
congratulate all present--himself, the country, and the whole
world-upon this great moral victory.
In addition to the general satisfaction felt by the whole
country at the passage of this amendment, it carried
special joy to that very large class of people who had
feared that the war might end without securing the abolition of slavery. From the very beginning there had been
a powerful pressure in favor of an adjustment with the
discontented and rebellious South, and this had led, as
we have already seen, to repeated attempts at negotiation
on behalf of the contending forces. The organized
authorities on either side maintained their attitude of
mutual defiance; but individuals on both sides kept up a
steady and confident attempt, by personal effort, to bring
the parties into such a position that they could not avoid
negotiations for peace, without subjecting themselves to
the injurious imputation of preferring war. It was remembered that during our war with Mexico, while neither
party sued for peace, and while both Governments repudiated all thought of desiring it, peace was forced upon
them by the unauthorized and irresponsible negotiations
of a private citizen, 3 who
secured from the Mexican Government terms which the American authorities, out of
deference to the sentiments of their own people, did not
dare refuse. The incident was a perpetual stimulant to
personal ambition, and the country was scarcely ever free,
for a month at a time, from rumors of pending negotiations
for a speedy peace. During the months of December and
January these rumors had been especially rife, and had
created a good deal of public anxiety.
The whole country had come to regard the strength of
the rebellion as substantially broken. In men, in resources of every kind, in modes of communication, and
in the spirit with which the contest was carried on, the
rebels were known to be rapidly and fatally failing; and
it was almost universally believed that a vigorous and
steady prosecution of the war would speedily destroy the
rebel organization, capture its capital, disperse its armies,
and compel an absolute and unconditional submission to the national
authority. It was not, therefore, without a
good deal of solicitude that the public learned that Mr.
Francis P. Blair, an able, resolute, and experienced politician, had left Washington for Richmond, armed with a
pass from President Lincoln, and that the real object of
his visit was to prevail upon Jefferson Davis to send, or
receive, commissioners to treat of peace between the contending parties. The rumor proved to be substantially
true. The President had given Mr. Blair a pass through
our lines and back. He had gone to Richmond, and had
held free conferences with Mr. Davis and other members
of the Rebel Government. He returned to Washington
on the 16th of January, bringing with him a written assurance, addressed to himself, from Jefferson Davis, of
his willingness to enter into negotiations for peace, to
receive a commissioner whenever one should be sent,
and of his readiness, whenever Mr. Blair could promise
that he would be received, to appoint such a commissioner, minister, or other agent, and thus "renew the effort
to enter into a conference with a view to secure peace between the two countries."
Mr. Blair presented this letter
to President Lincoln, who at once authorized him to return to Richmond, carrying with him his written assurance that he had constantly been, was then, and should continue to be, "ready to receive any agent whom Mr. Davis,
or any other influential person now resisting the national
authority, may informally send me, with a view of securing peace to the people of our
common country." Mr.
Blair left Washington on the 20th of January for Richmond, and on the next day placed in the hands of Mr.
Davis this response of President Lincoln to his previous
assurance; and Mr. Davis then learned that commissioners from him could be received to treat of peace, only on
the assumption that the people of the United States still
had one "common country," and not on the assumption,
which Mr. Davis had advanced, that they were divided
into two independent powers.
In consequence of these
communications, on the 29th
of January, three persons, Alexander H. Stephens, R. M.
T. Hunter, and J. A. Campbell, made application to General Ord, the commander of the advanced portion of the Army of the Potomac, for permission to enter our lines, and to proceed to Washington as peace commissioners. The application was referred to the President, who granted permission for the three persons named to proceed to Fortress Monroe and there hold an informal conference, with some person or persons to be designated for that purpose, on the express condition that the peace proposed to
be secured should be "for the people of our
common country." This response led the commissioners, on the 1st of February, to make an application directly to Lieutenant-General Grant for the permission they had solicited,
viz., to go to Washington to confer with President Lincoln concerning peace on the basis of his letter to Mr. Blair, but "without any personal compromise on any question in the letter." Not anticipating such a proviso, which in effect waived entirely what he had laid down as the sine
quâ non of
even an informal conference on the subject of peace, the President had on the 31st of January directed Mr. Seward, the Secretary of State, to proceed to
Fortress Monroe for the purpose of conferring with the three commissioners. He was instructed to insist upon three things as indispensable:--1. The restoration of the national authority throughout all the States. 2. No receding from the position of the National Executive on the subject of slavery. 3. No cessation of hostilities short of an end of the war and the disbanding of the forces hostile to
the Government. Upon this basis Mr. Seward was to hear whatever the commissioners might have to say, and report it to the President; but he was not to definitely consummate any thing. Under these instructions, Mr. Seward reached Fortress Monroe, where he arrived at ten o'clock on the evening of the 1st of February. Upon the receipt at the hands of Major Eckert, his messenger, of the terms in which the rebel commissioners had couched their
request to General Grant for a conference, the President decided to recall the Secretary of State and terminate the
attempted negotiation; but on the receipt of a dispatch from General
Grant, expressing his personal belief that the commissioners were sincere in their desire for peace, and his
strong conviction that a personal interview with them on
the part Of the President was highly desirable, President
Lincoln changed his purpose and proceeded at once to
Fortress Monroe, where he arrived on the evening of February 2d. A letter from the three commissioners to
Major Eckert was here shown to him, in which was embodied the note of their instructions from Mr. Davis, in
which they were directed to confer concerning peace between the "two countries." But a subsequent note, addressed by them to General Grant, declared their readiness
to confer with the President upon the terms which he had
prescribed, or any terms and conditions which he might
propose, "not inconsistent with the essential principles
of self-government and popular rights on which our institutions are founded." They declared their earnest
wish to ascertain, after a free interchange of ideas and
information, upon what principles and terms, if any, a
just and honorable peace might be secured without the
further effusion of blood; and they sought the conference
for that purpose and with these views.
On the morning of the 3d of. February, President Lincoln and Secretary Seward held a conference with the
three commissioners of several hours' duration. It ended
without result. The most authentic statement of what
occurred on that occasion is given in the following extract from a dispatch immediately transmitted by the
Secretary of State to Mr. Adams, our minister in England:--
The Richmond
party approached the discussion rather indirectly, and
at no time did they make categorical demands, or tender formal
stipulations or absolute refusals. Nevertheless, during the conference,
which
lasted four hours, the several points at issue between the
Government and
the insurgents were distinctly raised, and discussed fully,
intelligently, and
in an amicable spirit. What the insurgent party seemed chiefly to
favor
was a postponement of the question of separation upon which the war
is
waged, and a mutual direction of the efforts of the Government, as
well
as those of the insurgents, to some extrinsic policy or scheme for a
season, during which passions might be expected to subside, and the
armies
be reduced, and trade and intercourse between the people of the two
sections be resumed. It was suggested by them that through such
postponement we might now have immediate peace, with some not very certain
prospect of an ultimate satisfactory adjustment of political
relations between the Government and the States, section, or people now engaged
in
conflict with it.
The suggestion, though deliberately considered, was
nevertheless regarded by the President as one of armistice or truce, and he
announced
that we can agree to no cessation or suspension of hostilities,
except on
the basis of the disbandment of the insurgent forces and the
recognition
of the national authority throughout all the States in the Union.
Collaterally, and in subordination to the proposition which was thus
announced,
the anti-slavery policy of the United States was reviewed in all its
bearings,
and the President announced that he must not be expected to recede
from
the positions he had heretofore assumed in his Proclamation of
Emancipation, and other documents, as these positions were reiterated in his
annual
message. It was further declared by the President that the complete
restoration of the national authority everywhere was an
indispensable
condition of any assent on our part to whatever form of peace might
be
proposed. The President assured the other party that while he must
adhere to these positions, he would be prepared, so far as power is
lodged
with the Executive, to exercise liberality. Its power, however, is
limited
by the Constitution; and, when peace should be made, Congress must
necessarily act in regard to appropriations of money, and to the
admission
of representatives from the insurrectionary States.
The Richmond party were then informed that Congress
had, on the
31st ult., adopted by a constitutional majority a joint resolution
submitting to the several States the proposition to abolish slavery
throughout
the Union, and that there is every reason to expect that it will be
accepted by three-fourths of the States, so as to become a part of the
national
organic law.
The report of the conference and its results, made by
the rebel authorities, is embodied in the following message from Jefferson Davis, which was sent in to the rebel
Legislature on the 5th of February:--
To the
Senate and House of Representatives of the Confederate States of
America:
Having recently received a written notification
which satisfied me that
the President of the United States was disposed to confer informally
with
unofficial agents that might be sent by me with a view to the
restoration
of peace, I requested Hon. Alexander H. Stephens, Hon. R. M. T. Hunter, and Hon. John A. Campbell to proceed through our lines to hold
a conference with Mr. Lincoln, or such persons as he might depute to
represent him.
I herewith submit, for the information of Congress,
the report of the
eminent citizens above named, showing that the enemy refuse to enter
into negotiations with the Confederate States, or any one of them
separately,
or to give our people any other terms or guarantees than those which
a
conqueror may grant, or permit us to have peace on any other basis
than
our unconditional submission to their rule, coupled with the
acceptance
of their recent legislation, including an amendment to the
Constitution
for the emancipation of negro slaves, and with the right on the part
of
the Federal Congress to legislate on the subject of the relations
between
the white and black population of each State.
Such is, as I understand, the effect of the
amendment to the Constitution
which has been adopted by the Congress of the United States.
(Signed) JEFFERSON DAVIS.
EXECUTIVE OFFICER, RICHMOND, February 5,
1865.
REPORT OF THE REBEL COMMISSIONERS.
RICHMOND, VIRGINIA, February 5,
1865.
To the President of the Confederate States:
SIR:--Under your letter of appointment of 28th ult.,
we proceeded to
seek an informal conference with Abraham Lincoln, President of the
United States, upon the subject mentioned in your letter.
The conference was granted, and took place on the
3d inst., on board a
steamer anchored in Hampton Roads, where we met President Lincoln
and Hon. Mr. Seward, Secretary of State of the United States. It
continued for several hours, and was both full and explicit.
We learned from them that the message of President
Lincoln to the
Congress of the United States in December last explains clearly and
distinctly his sentiments as to terms, conditions, and method of
proceeding by
which peace can be secured to the people, and we were not informed
that
they would be modified or altered to obtain that end. We understood
from him that no terms or proposals of any treaty or agreement
looking
to an ultimate settlement would be entertained or made by him with
the
authorities of the Confederate States, because that would be a
recognition
of their existence as a separate power, which under no circumstances
would be done; and for like reasons, that no such terms would be
entertained by him from States separately; that no extended truce or
armistice,
as at present advised, would be granted or allowed without
satisfactory
assurances in advance of complete restoration of the authority of
the Constitution and laws of the United States over all places within the
States of
the Confederacy; that whatever consequences may follow from the re-establishment of that authority must be accepted, but the individuals
subject
to pains and penalties under the laws of the United States might
rely
upon a very liberal use of the power confided to him to remit those
pains
and penalties, if peace be restored.
During the
conference the proposed amendments to the Constitution of
the United States, adopted by Congress on the 31st ult., were
brought to
our notice. These amendments provide that neither slavery nor
involuntary servitude, except for crime, should exist within the United
States, or
any place within their jurisdiction, and that Congress should have
the
power to enforce this amendment by appropriate legislation.
Of all the correspondence that preceded the
conference herein mentioned and leading to the same, you have heretofore been informed.
Very respectfully, your obedient
servants,
ALEX. H. STEPHENS,
R. M. T. HUNTER,
J. A. CAMPBELL.
The public rumors which were current upon this subject led to the adoption on the 8th, by the House of
Representatives, of a resolution calling upon the President for information concerning the conference. To this
request President Lincoln responded on the 10th, by
transmitting the following message:--
WASHINGTON, February 10.
To the Honorable the House of Representatives:
In response to your resolution of the 8th inst.,
requesting information
in relation to a conference recently held in Hampton Roads, I have
the
honor to state that on the day of the date, I gave Francis P. Blair,
Sr., a
card written on as follows, to wit:--
Allow the bearer, F. P. Blair, Sr., to pass our
lines, go South, and
return. A. LINCOLN.
December 26, 1864.
That at the time, I was informed that Mr. Blair
sought the-card as a
means of getting to Richmond, Va., but he was given no authority to
speak or act for the Government, nor was I informed of any thing he
would say or do, on his own account or otherwise. Mr. Blair told me
that he had been to Richmond, and had seen Mr. Jefferson Davis, and
he
(Mr. Blair) at the same time left with me a manuscript letter as
follows,
to wit:--
RICHMOND, VA., January 12,
1865.
F. P. BLAIR,
Esq.: Sir:--I have deemed it proper, and probably desirable
to you, to give you in this form the substance of the remarks made
by
me to be repeated by you to President Lincoln, &c., &c.
I have no disposition to find obstacles in forms,
and am willing now as
heretofore to enter into negotiations for the restoration of peace.
I am ready to send a commission, whenever I have
reason to suppose
it will be received, or to receive a commission, if the United
States Government shall choose to send one.
Notwithstanding the rejection of our former offers, I
would, if you
could promise that a commissioner, minister, or other agent would be
received, appoint one immediately, and renew the effort to enter
into
a conference with a view to secure peace to the two countries.
|
Yours, &c., |
JEFFERSON DAVIS. |
Afterwards, with the view that it should be shown to
Mr. Davis, I
wrote, and delivered to Mr. Blair, a letter as follows, to wit:--
WASHINGTON, January 18,
1865.
F. P. BLAIR, Esq.: Sir:--You having shown me Mr.
Davis's letter to you
of the 12th inst., you may say to him that I have constantly been,
am
now, and shall continue ready to receive any agent whom he, or any
other influential person, now resisting the national authority, may
informally send me, with a view of securing peace to the people of
our
common country. Yours, &c., A. LINCOLN.
Afterwards Mr. Blair dictated for and authorized me
to make an entry,
on the back of my retained copy of the letter last above recited,
which
is as follows:--
January 28,
1865.
To-day Mr. Blair tells me that on the 21st inst. he
delivered to Mr.
Davis the original, of which the within is a copy, and left it with
him;
that at the time of delivering, Mr. Davis read it over twice, in Mr.
Blair's
presence; at the close of which he (Mr. B.) remarked, that the part
about our one common country referred to the part of Mr. Davis's
letter
about the two countries; to which Mr. D. replied that he so understood it. A. LINCOLN.
Afterwards the Secretary of War placed in my hands
the following
telegram, indorsed by him, as appears:--
(Cipher.)
OFFICE U. S. MILITARY TELEGRAPH, WAR DEPARTMENT.
The following telegram was received at Washington,
January 29, 1865:--
HEAD-QUARTERS ARMY OF THE JAMES, 6.30 P. M., January 29,
1865.
Hon. EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary
of War:
The following dispatch is just received from
Major-General Parke, who
refers to me for my action. I refer it to you, in lieu of General
Grant's
absence. E. O. C. ORD, Major-General
Commanding.
HEAD-QUARTERS ARMY OF THE POTOMAC, 4 P. M., January
29, 1865.
Major-General E. O. C. ORD, Head-Quarters of the Army
of the James:
The following dispatch is forwarded to you for your
action, since I
have no knowledge of General Grant's having had any understanding
of,
this kind. I refer the matter to you as the ranking officer present
in the
two armies. JOHN G. PARKE, Major-General
Commanding.
From HEAD-QUARTERS NINTH ARMY CORPS, January 29,
1865.
Major-General JOHN C. PARKE, Head-Quarters of the
Army of the Potomac:
Alexander H. Stephens, R. M. T. Hunter, and J. A.
Campbell desire to
cross my lines, in accordance with an understanding claimed to exist
with
Lieutenant-General Grant, on their way to Washington
as Peace Commissioners. Shall they be admitted? They desire an early answer, so
as
to come through immediately. They would like to reach City Point tonight if they can. If they cannot do this, they would like to come
through
at 10 A. M. to-morrow.
O. B. WILCOX, Major-General
Commanding Ninth Corps.
Respectfully referred to the President, for such
instructions as he may
De pleased to give. EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary
of War.
Jan. 29th, 1865--8.30. P. M.
It appears that about the time of placing the
foregoing telegram in
my hands, the Secretary of War dispatched General Ord as follows, to
wit:--
WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, January 29,
1865--10 P. M.
Major-General ORD:--This department has no knowledge
of any understanding by General Grant to allow any person to come within his
lines
as commissioners of any sort. You will therefore allow no one to
come
into your lines under such character or profession until you receive
the
President's instructions, to whom your telegrams will be submitted
for
his directions.
EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary
of War.
(Sent in cipher at 2 A. M.)
Afterwards, by my directions, the Secretary of War
telegraphed General Ord as follows, to wit:--
WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, D. C.,
January 30,
1865--10 A. M.
Major-General E. O. C. ORD, Head-Quarters Army of the
James:
By directions of the President, you are instructed to
inform the three
gentlemen, Messrs. Stephens, Hunter, and Campbell, that a messenger
will
be dispatched to them, at or near where they now are, without
unnecessary delay. EDWIN M. STANTON,
Secretary of War.
Afterwards I prepared and put into the hands of Major
Thomas T.
Eckert the following instructions and message:--
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 30,
1865.
Major T. T. ECKERT:
SIR:--You will proceed with the documents placed in
your hands, and
on reaching General Ord, will deliver him the letter addressed him
by
the Secretary of War. Then, by General Ord's assistance, procure an
interview with Messrs. Stephens, Hunter, and Campbell, or any of
them.
Deliver to him or them the paper on which your own letter is
written Note on the copy which you retain the time of delivery, and to whom
delivered. Receive their answer in writing, waiting a reasonable
time
for it, and which, if it contains their decision to come through
without
further conditions, will be your warrant to ask General Ord to pass
them
through as directed in the letter of the Secretary of War. If, by
their
answer, they decline to come or propose other terms, do not have
them
passed through. And this being your whole duty, return and report to
me. Yours truly,
Messrs. ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS, J. A. CAMPBELL, and R.
M. T. HUNTER:
GANTLEMEN:--I am instructed by the President of the
United States to
place this paper in your hands, with the information that if you
pass
through the United States military lines, it will be understood that
you do
so for the purpose of an informal conference on the basis of that
letter, a
copy of which is on the reverse side of this sheet; and if you
choose to pass
on such understanding, and so notify me in writing, I will procure
the
Commanding General to pass you through the lines and to Fortress
Monroe, under such military precautions as he may deem prudent, and at
which
place you will be met in due time by some person or persons for the
purpose of such informal conference. And further, that you shall have
protection, safe-conduct, and safe return in all events.
THOS. T. ECKERT, Major
and Aide-de-Camp.
CITY POINT, Virginia, February 1, 1865.
The letter referred to by Major Eckert:--
F. P. BLAIR, Esq.:
SIR:--You having shown me Mr. Davis's letter to you
of the 12th inst.,
you may say to him that I have constantly been, am now, and shall
continue ready to receive any agent whom he, or any other influential
person now resisting the national authority, may informally send to me
with
the view of securing peace to the people of our common country.
Yours, &c., A. LINCOLN.
Afterwards, but before Major Eckert had departed, the
following dispatch
was received from General Grant:--
OFFICE U. S. MILITARY TELEGRAPH, WAR DEPARTMENT.
[Cipher.]
The following telegram was received at Washington,
January 31, 1865,
from City Point, Virginia, 10.30 A. M., January 31, 1865:--
His Excellency ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the
United States:
The following communication was received here last
evening:--
PETERSBURG, VIRGINIA, January 30,
1865,
Lieutenant-General U. S. GRANT, Commanding Armies U.
S.:
SIR:--We desire to pass your lines under
safe-conduct, and to proceed
to Washington to hold a conference with President Lincoln upon the
subject of the existing war, and with a view of ascertaining upon what
terms
it may be terminated, in pursuance of the course indicated by him in
his
letter to Mr. Blair of January 18, 1865, of which we presume you
have a
copy; and if not, we wish to see you in person, if convenient, and
to confer
with you on the subject.
Very respectfully yours,
ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS,
J. A. CAMPBELL,
R. M. T. HUNTER.
I have sent directions to receive these gentlemen,
and expect to have
them at my quarters this evening awaiting your instructions.
U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant-General
Commanding Armies U. S.
This, it will be perceived, transferred General Ord's
agency in the matter
to General Grant I resolved, however, to send Major Eckert forward
with his message, and accordingly telegraphed General Grant as
follows,
to wit:--
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 31,
1865.
Lieutenant-General GRANT, City Point, Virginia:
A messenger is coming to you on the business
contained in your dispatch. Detain the gentlemen in comfortable quarters until he
arrives,
and then act upon the message he brings as far as applicable, it
having been
made up to pass through General Ord's hands, and when the gentlemen
were supposed to be beyond our lines.
|
[Sent in cipher at
1.30 P. M.] |
A. LINCOLN. |
When Major Eckert departed he bore with him a letter
of the Secretary
of War to General Grant, as follows, to wit:--
WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., January 30,
1865.
Lieutenant-General GRANT, Commanding, &c.:
GENERAL:--The President desires that you will please
procure for the
bearer, Major Thos. T. Eckert, an interview with Messrs. Stephens,
Hunter,
and Campbell; and if on his return to you he requests it, pass them
through
our lines to Fortress Monroe, by such route and under such military
precautions as you may deem prudent, giving them protection and
comfortable quarters while there; and that you let none of this have any
effect
upon your movements or plans.
By order of the President:
EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary
of War.
Supposing the proper point to be then reached, I
dispatched the Secretary of State with the following instructions--Major Eckert, however,
going ahead of him:--
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 31,
1865.
Honorable WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State:
You will proceed to Fortress Monroe, Virginia, there
to meet and formally confer with Messrs. Stephens, Hunter, and Campbell, on the
basis of
my letter to F. P. Blair, Esq., of January 18, 1865, a copy of which
you
have. You will make known to them that three things are
indispensable, to
wit: First, the restoration of the national authority throughout all
the States.
Second, no receding by the Executive of the United States on the
slavery
question from the position assumed thereon in the late annual
message to
Congress and in the preceding documents. Third, no cessation of
hostilities
short of an end of the war, and the disbanding of all the forces
hostile to
the Government. You will inform them that all the propositions of
theirs
not inconsistent with the above will be considered and passed upon
in a
spirit of sincere liberality. You will hear all they may choose to
say, and
report it to me. You will not assume to definitely consummate any
thing.
Yours, &c., ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
On the day of its date, the following telegram was
sent to General
Grant:--
WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, February 1,
1865.
Lieutenant-General GRANT, City Point, Va.:
Let nothing which is transpiring change, hinder, or
delay your military
movements or plans.
|
[Sent in cipher at 9.30 A. M.] |
A. LINCOLN. |
Afterwards the following dispatch was received from
General Grant:--
[In cipher.]
OFFICE U. S. MILITARY TELEGRAPH, WAR DEPARTMENT.
The following telegram was received at Washington, at
2.30 P. M.,
February 1, 1865, from City Point Va., February 1, 12.30 P. M.,
1865:--
His Excellency A. LINCOLN,
President of the United States:
Your dispatch received. There will be no armistice in
consequence of
the presence of Mr. Stephens and others within our lines. The troops
are
kept in readiness to move at the shortest notice, if occasion should
justify
it. U. S. GRANT, Lieut.-General.
To notify Major Eckert that the Secretary of State
would be at Fortress
Monroe, and to put them in communication, the following dispatch was
sent:--
WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, February 1,
1865.
Major T. T. ECKERT,
Care General GRANT, City Point, Va.:
Call at Fortress Monroe, and put yourself under
direction of Mr. S.,
whom you will find there. A. LINCOLN.
On the morning of the 2d instant, the following
telegrams were received
by me respectively from the Secretary of War and Major Eckert:--
FORT MONROE, VA., February 1,
1865-11.30 P. M.
To the President of the United States:
Arrived at ten this evening. Richmond friends not
here. I remain
here. W. H. SEWARD.
CITY POINT, VA., February 1,
1865-10 P. M.
To his Excellency the President of the United States:
I have the honor to report the delivery of your
communication and my
letter, at 4.15 this afternoon, to which I received a reply at six
P. M.,
but not satisfactory. At eight o'clock P. M. the following note,
addressed
to General Grant, was received:--
CITY POINT, VA., February 1,
1865.
To Lieutenant-General GRANT:
SIR:--We desire to go to Washington City to confer
informally with the President personally
in reference to the matters mentioned in his letter to Mr. Blair of
the 18th of January ultimo.
without any personal compromise on any question in the letter. We
have the permission to do
so from the authorities at Richmond.
|
Very respectfully yours, |
ALEX. H. STEPHENS, |
| |
R.
M. T. HUNTER, |
| |
J.
A. CAMPBELL. |
At 9.30 P. M. I notified them that they could not
proceed further
unless they complied with the terms expressed in my letter. The
point
of meeting designated in the above note would not, in my opinion,
be insisted upon. Fort Monroe would be acceptable. Having complied
with my instructions, I will return to Washington to-morrow, unless
otherwise ordered. THOMAS T. ECKERT, Major,
&c.
On reading this dispatch of Major Eckert, I was about
to recall him and
the Secretary of State, when the following telegram of General Grant
to
the Secretary of War was shown me:--
[In cipher.]
OFFICE OF THE U. S. MILITARY TELEGRAPH,
WAR DEPARTMENT.
The following telegram received at Washington at 4.35
P. M., February 2, 1865, from City Point, Va., February 1, 10.30 P. M.,
1865:--
Hon. EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War:
Now that the interview between Major Eckert, under
his written instructions, and Mr. Stephens and party, has ended, I will state
confidentially, but not officially to become a matter of record, that I am
convinced,
upon conversation with Messrs. Stephens and Hunter, that their
intentions
are good, and their desire sincere to restore peace and union. I
have not
felt myself at liberty to express even views of my own, or to
account for
my reticence. This has placed me in an awkward position, which I
could
have avoided by not seeing them in the first instance. I fear now
their
going back without any expression to any one in authority will have
a
bad influence. At the same time, I recognize the difficulties in the
way
of receiving these informal commissioners at this time, and I do not
know
what to recommend. I am sorry, however, that Mr. Lincoln cannot have
an interview with the two named in this dispatch, if not all three
now
within our lines. Their letter to me was all that the President's
instructions contemplated to secure their safe-conduct, if they had used
the
same language to Major Eckert. U. S. GRANT, Lieut.-General.
This dispatch of General Grant changed my purpose,
and accordingly I
telegraphed him and the Secretary of War, as follows:--
WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., February 2,
1865.
Lieutenant-General GRANT, City Point, Va.:
Say to the gentlemen that I will meet them personally
at Fortress
Monroe, as soon as I can get there.
|
[Sent in cipher at 9 A. M.] |
A. LINCOLN. |
WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., February 2,
1865.
Hon. WM. H. SEWARD, Fortress Monroe, Va.:
Induced by a dispatch from General Grant, I join you
at Fortress
Monroe as soon as I can come.
|
[Sent in cipher at 9 A. M.] |
A. LINCOLN. |
Before starting, the following dispatch was shown me.
I proceeded,
nevertheless:--
[Cipher.]
OFFICE U. S. MILITARY TELEGRAPH, WAR DEPARTMENT.
The following telegram, received at Washington,
February 2, 1865,
from City Point, Va., 9 A. M., February 2, 1865:--
Hon. WM. H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.
[Copy.]
FORT MONROE.
To Hon. EDWIN M. STANTON,
Secretary of War, Washington:
The gentlemen here have accepted the proposed terms,
and will leave
for Fortress Monroe at 9.30 A. M.
U. S. GRANT, Lieut.-General.
On the night of the 2d I reached Hampton Roads; found
the Secretary
of State and Major Eckert on a steamer anchored off the shore, and
learned
of them that the Richmond gentlemen were on another steamer, also
anchored off shore in the Roads, and that the Secretary of State had
not yet
seen or communicated with them. I ascertained that Major Eckert had
literally complied with his instructions, and I saw for the first
time the
answer of the Richmond gentlemen to him, which, in his dispatch to
ma
of the 1st, he characterized as not satisfactory. That answer is as
follows,
to wit:--
CITY POINT, VA., February 1,
1865.
THOMAS T. ECKERT, Major and A. D. C.:
MAJOR:--Your note delivered by yourself this day has
been considered.
In reply, we have to say that we were furnished with a copy of the
letter
of President Lincoln to Francis P. Blair, of the 18th of January ult.,
another copy of which is appended to your note. Our instructions are
contained in a letter of which the following is a copy:--
RICHMOND, January 28,
1865.
In conformity with the letter of Mr. Lincoln, of
which the foregoing is a copy, you are to proceed to Washington City for informal conference with him upon the
issues involved in the existing war, and for the purpose of securing peace to the two
countries.
With great respect, your obedient servant,
JEFFERSON DAVIS.
The substantial object to be obtained by the informal
conference, is to
ascertain upon what terms the existing war can be terminated
honorably.
Our instructions contemplate a personal interview between President
Lincoln and ourselves at Washington; but, with this explanation, we
are
ready to meet any person or persons that President Lincoln may
appoint,
at such place as he may designate. Our earnest desire is that a just
and
honorable peace may be agreed upon, and we are prepared to receive
or
to submit propositions which may possibly lead to the attainment of
that
end.
Very respectfully yours,
ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS,
R. M. T. HUNTER,
JOHN A. CAMPBELL.
A note of these gentlemen, subsequently addressed to
General Grant,
has already been given in Major Eckert's dispatch of the 1st inst. I
also
saw here for the first time the following note, addressed by the
Richmond
gentlemen to Major Eckert:--
THOMAS T.
ECKERT, Major and A. D. C.:
MAJOR:--In reply to your verbal statement that your
instructions did not
allow you to alter the conditions upon which a passport could be
given
to us, we say that we are willing to proceed to Fortress Monroe, and
there
to have an informal conference with any person or persons that
President
Lincoln may appoint on the basis of his letter to Francis P. Blair
of the
18th of January ult., or upon any other terms or conditions that he
may
hereafter propose, not inconsistent with the essential principles of
self-government and popular rights upon which our institutions are
founded.
It is our earnest wish to ascertain, after a free interchange of
ideas and
information, upon what principles and terms, if any, a just and
honorable
peace can be established without the effusion of blood, and to
contribute
our utmost efforts to accomplish such a result. We think it better
to add
that, in accepting your passport, we are not to be understood as
committing ourselves to any thing, but to carry into this informal
conference the
views and feelings above expressed.
Very respectfully yours, &c.,
ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS,
J. A. CAMPBELL,
R. M. T. HUNTER.
NOTE.--The above communication was delivered to me
at Fortress
Monroe, at 4.30 P. M., February 2, by Lieutenant-Colonel Babcock, of
General Grant's staff.
THOMAS T. ECKERT, Adj't
and A. D. C.
On the morning of the 3d, the three gentlemen,
Messrs. Stephens, Hunter, and Campbell, came aboard of our steamer, and had an interview
with the Secretary of State and myself of several hours' duration.
No
question or preliminaries to the meeting was then and there made or
mentioned. No other person was present. No papers were exchanged
or produced; and it was in advance agreed that the conversation was
to
be informal and verbal merely. On our part, the whole substance of
the
instructions to the Secretary of State, hereinbefore recited, was
stated
and insisted upon, and nothing was said inconsistent therewith.
While
by the other party it was not said that in any event, or on any
condition,
they ever would consent to reunion; and yet they equally omitted to
declare that they would not so consent. They seemed to desire a
postponement of that question, and the adoption of some other course
first, which, as some of them seemed to argue, might or might not
lead
to reunion, but which course we thought would amount to an
indefinite
postponement. The conference ended without result.
The foregoing, containing, as is believed, all the
information sought, is
respectfully submitted.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
In this instance, as in the previous case of Mr. Greeley,
the President had found himself constrained by the intrusive interference of an individual citizen, to open negotiations for which, in his judgment, neither the rebels nor the nation at
large were at all prepared. No man in the
country was more vigilant than he in watching for the
moment when hopes of peace might wisely be entertained;
but, as he had resolved under no circumstances to accept
any thing short of an unconditional acknowledgment of
the supreme authority of the Constitution and laws of
the United States as the basis of peace, he deemed it of
the utmost consequence that the rebel authorities should
not be led to suppose that we were discouraged by the
slow progress of the war, or that we were in the least
inclined to treat for peace on any other terms than those
he had laid down. It was for this reason that he had
declined to publish his correspondence with Mr. Greeley,
unless expressions in the latter's letters, calculated to
create this impression in the rebel States, could be omitted.
Acting from the same motives, he had given Mr. Blair no
authority to approach the rebel authorities on his behalf
upon the subject of peace in any way whatever. He
gave him, to use his own words uttered in a subsequent
conversation, "no mission, but only per-mission."
He
was probably not unwilling to learn, from so acute and
experienced a political observer as Mr. Blair, something
of the temper and purpose of the leading men in the
Rebel Government, for their public declarations upon this
subject were not felt to be altogether reliable; and the
knowledge we had of their straitened means, and of the
difficulty they experienced in renewing the heavy losses
in the ranks of their army, strengthened the belief that
they might not be indisposed for submission to the national
authority.
Subsequent disclosures have proved the correctness of
these suspicions. It is now known that some of the more
sagacious and candid of the rebel leaders had even then
abandoned all hope of success, and were only solicitous
for some way of closing the war, which should not wound
too keenly the pride and self-respect of the people of the
rebel States. It was due to their efforts that, in spite of
the obstinacy with which Jefferson Davis insisted upon
the recognition of his official character, involving the recognition of
the South as an independent nation, an interview with the President and Secretary Seward was obtained. But they did not secure the consent of their Executive to negotiate upon the only basis which Mr. Lincoln would for a moment admit--the absolute and
acknowledged supremacy of the National Government;
and the whole scheme, therefore, fell to the ground. 4
The attempt at negotiation, however, served a useful
purpose. It renewed the confidence of the people
throughout the loyal States in the President's unalterable
determination to maintain the Union, while it proved his
willingness to end the war whenever that great and paramount object could be secured; and, at the same time, it
dispelled the delusive hopes, with which the rebel leaders had so long inspired the hearts of the great body of
the Southern people, that peace was possible with the independence of the Southern States. The attempt of Mr.
Davis, in the message we have already cited, 5 to
"fire
the Southern heart" afresh, by his vivid picture of the
tyrannical and insulting exactions of President Lincoln,
was utterly fruitless. His appeals fell upon wearied ears
and despondent hearts.
Other important affairs had also arisen to occupy the thoughts of the
people during the pendency of the peace
negotiations. The resolution which had passed the House
on January 31st, directing that the electoral votes of certain States which had joined the rebellion should not
be counted, came up before the Senate. An effort was
made, but failed, to strike out Louisiana from the list of
the rejected States. Other amendments were offered, but
rejected, and the resolution was adopted as it passed the
House. It was also signed by the President, but he sent
to Congress the following message concerning it:--
To the
Honorable Senate and House of Representatives of the United States:
The joint resolution, entitled "A joint resolution
declaring certain States
not entitled to representation in the Electoral College," has been
signed
by the Executive in deference to the view of Congress implied in its
passage and presentation to me. In his own view, however, the two
Houses
of Congress convened under the twelfth article of the Constitution
have
complete power to exclude from counting all electoral votes deemed
by
them to be illegal, and it is not competent for the Executive to
defeat or
obstruct the power by a veto, as would be the case if his action
were at
all essential in the matter. He disclaims all right of the Executive
to interfere in any way in the matter of canvassing or counting the
electoral
votes, and he also disclaims that by signing said resolution he has
expressed
any opinion on the recitals of the preamble, or any judgment of his
own
upon the subject of the resolution.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, February 8,
1865.
On Wednesday, the 8th of February, the Senate and the
House met in joint convention for the purpose of counting the electoral votes. The two bodies having convened,
the certificates of election were opened by Vice-President
Hamlin. Electoral votes from Louisiana and Tennessee
were presented, but, in obedience to the resolution just
mentioned, they were not counted. The total number of
votes counted was two hundred and thirty-three, of which
Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Johnson had received two hundred
and twelve, and they were accordingly declared to have
been elected President and Vice-President for the ensuing
four years, commencing on the 4th of March. The new
State of Nevada had cast but two votes, her third elector
having been absent on the day of the meeting.
Prominent among the measures passed by Congress during the remainder of the session was the bill establishing
a Freedmen's Bureau.
A resolution offered by Mr. Sumner, and passed, excited
a good deal of interest in England. It declared that the
rebel debt or loan was "simply an agency of the rebellion, which the United States can never under any circumstances recognize in any part, or in any way." To
the parties who had taken the rebel loan thinking that
the South was sure to succeed, or at least to secure some
terms of peace which would provide for the assumption
of the rebel debt, this resolution, coming as it did after
such great military successes on our part, was the re
verse of cheering.
Two messages were sent to Congress by the President
in reference to approaching International Exhibitions in
Norway and in Portugal, and a resolution was passed requesting the President to call upon the citizens to join in
them.
The House passed a bill repealing so much of the Confiscation Act passed July 17, 1869, 244, as prohibited the
forfeiture of the real estate of rebels beyond their natural
lives. But the Senate failed to take similar action, and
the law, therefore, remained unchanged.
Resolutions were reported to the Senate by the Committee on Military Affairs, that soldiers discharged for
sickness or wounds should be preferred for appointment
to civil offices, and recommending citizens generally to
give them a similar preference in their private business.
The President was in full sympathy with the feeling which
led to this action, as appears by the following order,
which he made for the appointment of a Mrs. Bushnell
as postmistress at Sterling, Illinois:--
Mr. Washburne
has presented to me all the papers in this case, and
finding Mrs. Bushnell as well recommended as any other, and she
being
the widow of a soldier who fell in battle for the Union, let her be
appointed. A. LINCOLN.
The question of the recognition of the State Governments in, and the admission of Senators and Representatives from,
Louisiana and Arkansas was brought up in both
Houses, but was not pressed to a vote, though reports
were made in favor of such recognition and admission.
The Tariff Bill was modified, a bill for a loan of $600,000,000 was passed, with many other bills of less importance, and on the 3d of March Congress adjourned sine
die.
The Senate, however, was at once convened in extra
session, by a proclamation issued by the President on
February 17th, as follows:--
DEPARTMENT OF STATE.
PROCLAMATION.
By the President of the United
States.
Whereas, objects of interest to the United
States require that the Senate
should be convened at twelve o'clock on the 4th of March next, to
receive and act upon such communications as may be made to it on the
part
of the Executive:
Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of
the United States,
have considered it to be my duty to issue my proclamation, declaring
that
an extraordinary occasion requires the Senate of the United States
to convene for the transaction of business at the Capitol, in the City of
Washington, on the 4th day of March next, at noon on that day, of which
all
who shall at that time be entitled to act as members of that body,
are
hereby required to take notice.
Given under my hand and the seal of the United
States, at Washington, this seventeenth day of February, in the year of our Lord
[L. S.] one thousand eight hundred and sixty-five, and of the
independence of the United States of America the eighty-ninth.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
By the President:
WM. II. SEWARD, Secretary
of State.
The military operations during February continued to
furnish cheering successes. The peace conference had
not been suffered to interfere in the least with military
movements. The rebel commissioners were hardly within
their lines before General Grant made another movement,
taking and holding, though not without severe loss,
another of the roads leading southwardly out of Petersburg, called the Vaughan Road, and giving our troops
command of yet another called the Boydton Plankroad.
A very encouraging symptom of the situation was the
increasing number of desertions from the rebel ranks, by which General
Lee's army was steadily and seriously
diminishing.
Our own forces meanwhile were being continually augmented by new recruits, which were rapidly obtained, by
the strong exertions made in every district to avoid a
draft. Many questions arose and had to be decided by
the President in reference to the draft. The following
letter from him to Governor Smith, of Vermont, was called
forth by complaints that its burdens were not equally
distributed:--
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, February 8,
1865.
His
Excellency Governor SMITH, of Vermont:
Complaint is made to me, by Vermont, that the
assignment of her
quota for the draft on the pending call is intrinsically unjust, and
also in
bad faith of the Government's promise to fairly allow credits for
men
previously furnished. To illustrate, a supposed case is stated as
follows:--
Vermont and New Hampshire must between them furnish
six thousand
men on the pending call; and being equal, each must furnish as many
as
the other in the long run. But the Government finds that on former
calls
Vermont furnished a surplus of five hundred, and New Hampshire a surplus of fifteen hundred. These two surpluses making two thousand,
and
added to the six thousand, making eight thousand to be furnished by
the
two States, or four thousand each, less by fair credits. Then
subtract
Vermont's surplus of five hundred from her four thousand, leaves
three
thousand five hundred as her quota on the pending call; and likewise
subtract New Hampshire's surplus of fifteen hundred from her four
thousand, leaves two thousand five hundred as her quota on the pending
call.
These three thousand five hundred and two thousand five hundred make
precisely six thousand, which the supposed case requires from the
two
States, and it is just equal for Vermont to furnish one thousand
more
now than New Hampshire, because New Hampshire has heretofore furnished one thousand more than Vermont, which equalizes the burdens
of the two in the long run. And this result, so far from being bad
faith
to Vermont, is indispensable to keeping good faith with New
Hampshire.
By no other result can the six thousand men be obtained from the two
States, and at the same time deal justly and keep faith with both,
and we
do but confuse ourselves in questioning the process by which the
right
result is reached. The supposed case is perfect as an illustration.
The pending call is not for three hundred thousand
men subject to fair
credits, but is for three hundred thousand remaining after all fair
credits
have been deducted, and it is impossible to concede what Vermont
asks
without coming out short of three hundred thousand men, or making
other localities ray for the partiality shown her.
This upon the
case stated. If there be different reasons for making an
allowance to Vermont, let them be presented and considered.
Yours truly, ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
The success at Fort Fisher was ably followed up by
General Terry. One by one the rebel forts on the Cape
Fear River fell into our hands, and on the 22d of February Wilmington was evacuated, and was occupied by our
troops without a struggle.
Heavy cavalry expeditions were prepared and sent out
through the Southwest, in different directions, and made
good progress. But the crowning glory of the month
was the success of Sherman's march through South Carolina. Starting from Savannah, he moved northwest
through swamps which were thought impassable for an
army, forced the line of the Salkehatchie River, pressed
on into the heart of the State, and on the 17th entered
Columbia, the capital of the State, without a battle. His
presence there made the evacuation of Charleston a necessity, and on the next day our forces entered its grass-grown streets, and the old flag floated again from Fort Sumter, from which, four years before, it had been traitorously
torn down. Sherman's progress northward continued to
be rapid, but hardly any thing that he could do could
give so much joy as the fall of that nest of treason had
given. Coming, as it did, just before the 22d of February, it made the celebration of Washington's birthday
one of great rejoicing. The public buildings in Washington were illuminated, and all over the country it was
a day of joy and gladness of heart.
It was not the raillery successes alone which made the
people glad: a general system of exchanging prisoners
had been at last agreed upon, and our poor fellows were
rapidly coming forward out of those hells on earth, in
which the rebel authorities had kept them.
In fact, all things seemed auspicious for the future.
The close of President's Lincoln's first Administration
was brilliant in itself, and gave full promise of yet
brighter things to come.
|
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