### The Annals of The World by Rev. James Ussher
3904b AM, 4614 JP, 100 BC 3883. C. Marius became consul for the 6th time mainly through the help of L. Apuleius Saturninus, the tribune of the people. He banished Q. Metellus Numidrus, who went to Rhodes and devoted himself to the study of philosophy. He had the time to read authors and hear the discourses of the most eminent scholars. (Cicero in Pison. & pro Sextio. Livy l. 69. Plutarch. in Mario. Appian. Belli. Civil. l. 1. p. 367, 369.) 3884. Ambassadors came to Rome from Mithridates with a good sum of money and hoped to bribe the senate. Saturninus, tribune of the people, was a sworn enemy to the whole order of senators and noticed their arrival. He thought he had the senate under control and berated the embassy with reproaches. The ambassadors called him into question for this and so muzzled him by the instigation of the senators, who welcomed the embassy and promised them their help. Saturninus was in great danger of capital punishment for violating the rights of the ambassadors whose privileges the Romans always held in a most religious esteem. However, the people rescued him from this danger and made him tribune of the people again. (Diod. Sic. Legat. 34.) However, this action caused a new rebellion and he was killed in it. This was the very year when C. Marius, (now the 16th) and Valerius Flaccus were consuls. (Cicero in 8 Philippica, & pro Rabirio. Appian. belli. Civil. l. 1. p. 369, 360. Oros. l. 5. c. 17.) 3906 AM, 4616 JP, 98 BC 3885. In every assembly, for two whole years, the matter of ending the banishment of Q. Metellus was debated. Q. Metellus' son crossed the forum with his beard and hair overgrown and in a dirty garment. With tears in his eyes, he prostrated himself before the citizens and begged them to recall his father home again. The people would not raise the hopes of Q. Metellus by doing anything on his behalf which was contrary to law. However, from compassion for the young man and the earnestness of his pleas, they recalled Q. Metellus from his banishment and gave to his son the surname of Pius, for his outstanding affection and care he had to his father. (Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Valesi, p. 390.) Yet Aurelius Victor, in his book de viris Illustribus, c. 62. wrote that his father, Q. Metellus was banished to Smyrna and recalled home by the Calidian law. The letters of recall were brought to him as he sat in the theatre. Although he saw the letters, he would not even read them until the show was over. 3886. C. Marius could not face Metellus after he returned home and he sailed to Cappadocia and Galatia. He pretended he wanted to worship the great Mother Idaea. His real plan was to start a new war. To accomplish this he thought it good to egg Mithridates on. He was received with all civility and respect and at that time Mithridates was obviously busy preparing for war. He said this to the king: ``Either endeavour, O king, to put yourself into such a state that you may be too hard for the Romans or else quietly submit to their commands.'' 3887. This saying amazed the king. He had heard of his name, but never until now of the freeness of the Roman tongue to speak what it pleased. (Plutarch in Mario.) 3888. Alexander Jannaeus was enraged against the Gazaeans because they had called in Ptolemy Lathurus to help them against him. He attacked their city and wasted the country. In the meantime Apollodorus, commander of the Gazaeans, with 2000 mercenaries and 10,000 whom he armed from the townsmen, sallied forth by night into the Jew's camp. In the night battle, the Gazaeans had the better of it and the Jews thought that Ptolemy had come to their relief. As soon as it was daybreak when the truth of the matter appeared, the Jews rallied forth in a body and attacked the townsmen with all their might. They killed about 1000 of them. In spite of all this and though their supplies grew scarce, they would not surrender to the Jews. They were ready to undergo any hardship rather than submit to the enemy. Aretas, the king of the Arabians, raised their spirits for a while, by saying he would help them which he did not do. (Joseph. l. 13. c. 21.) 3907 AM, 4617 JP, 97 BC 3889. Lysimachus envied the great favour his brother Apollodotus had among the Gazaeans and killed him. He then gathered a band of soldiers and delivered the city to Alexander Jannaeus. At first he marched in very calmly but shortly after he turned loose the soldiers to attack the townsmen and to kill without restraint. The Gazeans were slaughtered in every street. However, they did not die unrevenged but struggled with their assailants and killed an equal number of Jews. Others retired to their houses and set them on fire to prevent the enemy from plundering them. Others killed their wives and their children with their own hands so that they might not be led away into captivity. The 500 senators retired to Apollo's temple for it happened that at that very time that the enemy was let into the city, a senate was held there. However, Alexander cut the throats of them all. After he had destroyed the city, he returned back to Jerusalem about a year after he started his siege of Gaza. (Joseph. l. 13. c. 21.) 3890. At the same time, Antiochus Grypus was killed through the treachery of Heracleon. He lived 45 years and reigned 29, (Joseph. l. 13. c. 21.) or rather 26, as it is read in Porphyrius' fragment. He reigned 11 of those 26 years alone, the other 15 years in joint partnership with Cyzicenus. He died in the 4th year of the 180th Olympiad. (in Grac. Euseb. Salig. p. 227.) Grypus was survived by 5 sons, the first named Seleucus, whom Josephus said succeeded his father. Antiochus and Philip were the second and third and were twins by Tryphena, daughter to Ptolemy Physcon, king of Egypt. Demetrius Eucarus was the 4th and Dionysius the 5th. 3908 AM, 4618 JP, 96 BC 3891. The son, Pharnaces was born to Mithridates Eupator, the king of Pontus and he lived 50 years. (Appian. in Mithridatic. p. 254.) 3892. When Cn. Domitius and C. Cassius were consuls, Ptolemy died who was the king of the Cyrenians, Physcon's son by a courtesan. He left the people of Rome as his heir. (Livy l. 70. Jul. Obsequens de prodigiis, Cassiodorus in Chronica.) The cities of that kingdom were enfranchised by a decree of the senate, according to Livy. Although Plutarch in Lucullo stated that the Cyrenaeans soon after were miserably harassed with continual rebellions and wars. 3909 AM, 4619 JP, 95 BC 3893. Anna the prophetess, daughter of Phanuel, of the tribe of Asher was married and lived with her husband 7 years from her virginity. Lu 2:36,37 3894. Tigranis, son of Tigranes who was turned over to the Parthians as a hostage, was restored by them to his father's kingdom of Armenia when they received 70 portions of his land of his country as a gratuity. (Strabo. l. 11, 532. Justin, l. 38. c. 3. Appian. in Syriac. p. 118.) This is deduced from the 25th year of his reign and mention will be made later from Plutarch's Lucullus, in the year 3934 AM. 3910a AM, 4619 JP, 95 BC 3895. Q. Mutius Scaevola was sent as the proconsul into Asia and selected his most intimate friend, P. Rutilius Rufus, for his associate. (Pomponius in D. de. orig. Juris, erroneously states he was the proconsul of Asia) He relied on his advice and counsel in managing the affairs of the province and making laws. He also had a great hand in restraining the injuries and exactions of the tax collectors who extremely oppressed that province. As often as anyone who had been wronged by those tax collectors, brought their cause to him, he condemned them no matter who they were, by upright judges. The condemned were turned over to the persons whom they had injured to be confined to prison by them. Moreover, he paid his own expenses and the expenses of his retinue from his own wealth. He soon won the hearts of all in the province toward the people of Rome. (Cicero. l. 2. de oratorc. Diod. Sic. in Excerptis Valesii, p. 393, 394.) 3910b AM, 4620 JP, 94 BC 3896. Seleucus, son of Antiochus Grypus, assembled a considerable force and marched against his uncle Antiochus Cyzicenus. Cyzicenus came with his army from Antioch and fought with him but was defeated. His horse ran away with him into the enemy's camp. When he saw no possibility of escape, he killed himself. He had reigned 18 years. When Seleucus had won the kingdom he retired to Antioch. (Porphyr. in Grac. Euseb. p. 227.) Josephus relates that Cyzicenus was taken prisoner in the fight by Seleucus and afterward killed. (l. 13. c. 21.) However Trogus stated that he died in the battle which was fought between him and Grypus' sons. (l. 40. Prolog.) 3897. When Cn. Domitius, and C. Coelius were consuls, the senate decreed that all persons were prohibited to lend money to the Cretians. (Ascon. Pedianus in argument. orat. pro C. Cornelio.) See note on 3935 AM. (from Dion.) 3898. Q. Mutius Scaevola resigned the government of Asia after nine months for fear he should be an expense to the treasury. (Cicero ad Atticum, l. 5. epist. 17, cum Asconio Pediano in orat. Cicer. contra L. Pisonem.) While he held his office in Asia, he managed it so uprightly and justly that after that time the senate by their decree held up Scaevola's administration as a model and form to be imitated by all those who should succeed him in that province. (Voler. Maxim. l. 8. c. 15.) The Greeks also inserted in their calendar a festival day in honour of him, which the Asians called Mutia. (Ascon. Pedian. in 3 tiam contra Verram, & Divinationcus contra cundem) Concerning this Cicero wrote: (in Verrem 2nd.) ``Although Mithridates was master in Asia of all that province, he did not put down the rebellion. Although he was an enemy and very violent and cruel in other matters, he would not violate the honour of the man who was hallowed with the ceremonies of the gods.'' 3899. However, his associate Publius Rutilius Rufus, a person of high integrity who had helped in ridding Asia of unjust exactions and wrongs by the tax collectors, was called into question about receiving bribes. This was done by a factious party of the rich land owners whom he with the proconsul had punished for extracting exorbitantly in gathering rents. He was of such an entire trust and innocence that from the day that his accusers had set to accuse him about this, he did not let his beard grow nor put on unfashionable clothes nor set aside his senatorial robes. He was not intimated by his adversaries nor did he try to influence his judges. When the praetor had granted him permission to make his defense, he made a speech worthy of his position. He had such an attitude as would be fitting for every good man, whose lot it was to be burdened with troubles and who rather pitied the case of the state than his own condition. He did not speak a word which might seem to detract from the splendour of his previous years. (Livy l. 70, Ascon Pedian. in Divinations contra, Verrens. Valer. Maxim. l. 6. c. 4. Dio. in Excerpt. Valesii, p. 637. Oros. l. 5. c. 17.) M. Cicero in his first Dialogue de oratore, states this: ``Seeing that man was the very pattern of innocence, and not one person in the whole city of greater integrity or sanctimony: he did not petition the judges' favour and would not so much as allow his advocates to plead his cause with greater flourishes and embellishments than the bare account of the truth itself would permit. Some few particulars of his defence, he put over to Cotta, an eloquent man and his sister's son. Q. Mutius also pleaded some things on his behalf, after his old manner, without any flourish, plainly and clearly.'' 3900. And in Bruto. ``At what time, that most innocent person was called to trial, by whose judgment we know the state to have been shaken. Although there were then in the city, those two eloquent men, L. Crassus and M. Antonius, he would not have either of them for his advocate. He pleaded his own cause for himself and C. Cotta spoke a few things since he was his sister's son. Although he was a youth, yet he showed himself an orator. Q. Mutius, also spoke in court, clearly indeed and smoothly as he always did yet not with such ardour and volubility as that kind of process and the graveness of the cause required.'' 3901. Thus the rich land owners of Rome, by the virtue of the Gacchian laws had gotten into their hands the power of sitting in judgment. To the great grief of the city, they condemned Rutilius of bribery. There was not a man who ever lived who was more innocent than he was. (Vellei. Paterculi. l. 2.) No sooner was sentence past on him and an estimate made in money of what he stood charged in court, but he immediately parted with all that he had. By this he witnessed that he was altogether clear from the crime against him. For all he could gather did not approach the amount his accusers said he had extorted in Asia. He showed that every part of his estate was conveyed to him on just and lawful titles. C. Marius was envious of this man and hated his integrity. Rutilius did not like how matters went at Rome and could not stand Marius. Therefore he voluntarily left his country and went into Asia to live in exile at Mitylene. (Dio. ut. supr. p. 637, 638.) One of his friends tried to comfort and cheer him up in his banishment. He told him that civil wars would soon happen and then all the banished might return home. He replied: ``What wrong did I ever do to you that you should wish me a worse return home than I had going into banishment? I had rather that my country should blush at my banishment than grieve at my return home.'' (Seneca. in beneficiis, l. 6. c. 37.) 3902. His banishment did in no wise mar his former glory and wealth. All the cities of Asia sent their ambassadors to wait on him: Q. Mutius and whatever cities and kings had formerly been beholding to him for any courtesy, sent to him very many presents. He now had more wealth than he had before his banishment. (Valer. Maxim. l. 2. c. 10. Dio. ut sup. p. 638.) 3911 AM, 4621 JP, 93 BC 3903. Antiochus Eusebes or the Pius, the son of Antiochus Cyzicenus escaped a plot by Seleucus, his first cousin. A courtesan who fell in love with Antiochus for his beauty, helped foil the plot. However, the Syrians ascribed his escape to his piety for which he had the surname Eusebes. He went to Aradus and set a crown on his head. He started a war against Seleucus. In one battle he gave Seleucus so great a defeat, that he never was able to fight with him again and was chased from Syria. (Joseph. l. 13. c. 21. Appian. in Syriac. p. 133.) 3904. Seleucus fled to Cilicia and was received by the Mopsuestians. After a while be began to exact tribute from them. They were so offended by his taxes that they set fire to his palace and burnt both him and his friends alive. (Joseph. l. 13. c. 21.) Appian states that he was burnt alive in the public place of exercise because he behaved so violently and tyrannically. (Appian p. 132.) Eusebius in Chronic. stated that he was burnt alive by Antiochus Cyzicenus' son. However, Porphyrius wrote that after he had fled to the city and knew that the Mopsuestians planned to to burn him alive, he committed suicide. (ut supr. p. 227.) 3905. The two twins of Seleucus, Antiochus and Philip, drew up their forces against Mopsuestia and took it and levelled it even to the ground in revenge for their brother's death. This was no sooner done then Antiochus Pius, the son of Cyzicenus, attacked and defeated them. When Antiochus fled on horseback from the battle, he drowned trying to cross the Orontes River. His brother Philip (to whom Scaliger attributes a coin to belong, which did had this inscription: (ILIPPOU EUERTETOU FLLADELFU BASVIAEWSV) and Antiochus Pius began their reigns together from the 3rd year of the 171st Olympiad. Both of them had considerable forces and fought to see who would be the sole ruler of Syria. (Porphyr. ut sup. p. 227.) 3912 AM, 4622 JP, 92 BC 3906. Ptolemy Lathurus sent to Cnidus for Demetrius Eucaerus, 4th son of Antiochus Grypus and made him king of Damascus. Antiochus Pius joined his forces with his brother Philip and opposed him very valiantly for a while. (Joseph. l. 13. c. 21.) At length, Antiochus was defeated and forced to flee for refuge to the Parthians. (Porphyr. ut sup. Eusebius in Chronic.) 3913a AM, 4622 JP, 92 BC 3907. When Mithridates, the king of Pontus had seized Cappadocia, he killed the two sons of Ariarathes, the king of Cappadocia. He had died in the war against Aristonicus and had two sons by Mithridates' sister Laodice who was not the same person as his sister with the same name. Mithridates turned over the kingdom of Cappadocia to Ariarathes, his own 8 year old son, and appointed Gordius for his guardian. Nicomedes Philopator, the king of Bithynia was jealous lest after Mithradates had captured Cappadocia, he might attempt to invade Bithynia which bordered on it. He bribed a very handsome youth to say he was the 3rd son of Ariarathes and he had more than 2 sons. He was to petition the senate about restoring him to his father's kingdom. He also sent to Rome Ariarathes' wife Laodice, Mithridates' sister, who after the death of her former husband Ariarathes, was married to Nicomedes. She was to testify that Ariarathes had three sons. As soon as Mithridates knew of this, he also with the like impudence, sent Gordius to Rome. He was to tell the senate that the youth to whom he had placed in the kingdom of Cappadocia, was descended from that Ariarathes who died in the war with Aristonicus. Ariarathes had brought supplies to the Romans and died in the service. (Justin. l. 38. c. 1, 2.) 3913b AM, 4623 JP, 91 BC 3908. The queen of the Galadeni waged war with the Parthians. Josephus wrote that Antiochus Pius, Cyzicenus' son, was called to help her. He fought gallantly but was killed in a battle. After his death, the kingdom of Syria remained in the power of the two brothers, Grypus' sons, Philip, and Demetrius Eucaerus. (Joseph. l. 13. c. 21.) However, Eusebius in Chronic. ends the reign of Seleucus' family in the two years which he attributes to Philip, Grypus' son. However, Appian in the end of his Syriacs stated that after this time Antiochus Pius was driven out of his kingdom by Tygranes. Josephus stated that Philip with his two brothers, Demetrius Eucaerus and Antiochus Dionysius waged war with the kings of Damascus and took over the kingdom of Syria. (Joseph. l. 13. c. 22, 23.) It seems more probable that when Antiochus Pius returned from the Parthians, as Porphyrius and Eusebius confirm, that he did not go against his enemies but to a sanctuary and refuge for himself. He recovered that part of Syria which Philip had usurped for 2 years. Philip, to recover that loss, fought with his two brothers, Demetrius and Antiochus and hoped to add the kingdom of Damascus to his government. These battles between the kings of Syria seem to be those which Livy had described in his 70th book. Philip claimed for himself all the remaining parts of Syria which were not in the hand of Cyzicenus' son. The Syrians were finally quite weary of the various skirmishes which Philip had, sometimes with Antiochus Pius and sometimes with his brothers over 8 years. They deserted the Seleucians and voluntarily put themselves under the command of Tigranes, king of Armenia according to Justin in the beginning of his 40th book. Appian (l. 40.) thinks that the surname of Pius, which was given to Antiochus, was given to him in derision by the Syrians because he had married Selene, who had formerly been the wife both of his father Cyzicenus and his uncle Grypus. Therefore he plainly tells us that he was by the just judgment of God, thrown out of the kingdom by Tigranes. 3909. The senate of Rome was well aware of the plans of the two Asiatic kings to steal away another man's kingdom by producing bogus heirs. They took Cappadocia away from Mithridates and to even the score, they took Paphlagonia from Nicomedes. So neither king could claim a victory, they made both those places a free state. The Cappadocians refused this liberty and sent ambassadors to Rome and told them that it was utterly impossible for them to live without a king. The Romans were puzzled at this and gave them permission to elect a king. Ariobarzanes was made king. (Justin, l. 38. c. 2. Strabo, l. 12. p. 540.) The Romans denounced Gordius whom Mithridates had commended to them. (Justin. l. 38. c. 5.) 3914a AM, 4623 JP, 91 BC 3910. L. Cornelius Sulla's office as a praetor expired. Velleius Pateroulus stated (l. 2. of his history), he was praetor the year before L. Caesar and P. Rutilius were consuls. He was appointed over Cilicia and was sent as an ambassador to Cappadocia. His trip was for the pretence of establishing Ariobarzanes the newly elected king, in his kingdom. His real reason was to crush Mithridates' designs whose head was full of plots. Sulla brought no great force with him. By the means of the allies who readily offered their service, he slew a large company of the Cappadocians and a far larger number of the Armenians who came to assist Gordius. He threw out Gordius and the young king Ariarathes to whom Gordius was assigned as guardian by Mithridates. Sulla proclaimed Ariobarzanes the king according to the decree of the senate. Mithridates did not say anything against it at that time. (Livy l. 70. Plutarch in Sulla. Appian. in Mithridatic, p. 208. & Bell. Civil. l. 1. p. 396.) 3914b AM, 4624 JP, 90 BC 3911. The Parthian ambassadors came to Sulla from their King Arsaces to ask for friendship with the people of Rome. (Livy l. 70. Sextus Rufus, in Breviario.) There was never any communication between those two countries before that. Orobazus, the Parthian, headed the embassy which met with Sulla who was near the Euphrates River. Sulla is said to have had 3 seats placed, one for Ariobarzanes, another for Orobazus and the 3rd for himself. So he sat in between them and listened to what the ambassadors said. Therefore soon after this, the Parthian king killed Orobazus. Others say that he killed Sulla as if he had exposed the barbarians to public derision. While others stated that Orobazus was an arrogant, ambitious, man. It is recorded also that a certain Chalcidian in Orobazus' retinue looked carefully at Sulla's countenance. He observed the temper, bent and motions of his mind and body and his disposition by the wiles of art. He declared publicly that it was impossible for Sulla not to become a great man soon. He wondered that he could tolerate his present office and was not already head of everything. (Plut. in Sulla. compared with Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 24.) 3912. As soon as Sulla returned home to Rome, the censors impeached him for bribery who against law had taken a large sum of money from a kingdom to get friendship and amity for them with the Romans. However, he did not prosecute the accusation, but let it pass. (Plut. in Sulla.) 3913. Mithridates used Gordius to persuade Tigranes, the king of Armenia, to side with him in the war which he had been long planning against the Romans. Tigranes did not think that the Romans would take any exception to their war with Cappadocia and with Ariobarzanes, whom the Romans had set up as king over the Cappadocians. Gordius buzzed him in the ear, as if he were but a dull fellow and such an one who had neither spirit nor life in him at all. To seem to play fair play, Mithridates offered his daughter Cleopatra to Tigranes in marriage. (Justin l. 38. c. 3.) 3915a AM, 4624 JP, 90 BC 3914. Mithridates, Bagoas and Tigranes' commanders drove out Ariobarzanes. As soon as they came, he packed and fled to Rome. Mithridates placed Ariarathes in the kingdom. So with Tigranes' help, Cappadocia began again to be under Mithridates' jurisdiction. (Justin l. 38. c. 3. Appian. in Mithridatic. p. 176.) 3915. At the same time, when Nicomedes Philopator died, the senate of Rome made his son Nicomedes, king of Bithynia. He was his son by Nisa who was a common dancer as Mithridates (Justin, l. 38. c. 55.) calls her. Mithridates sent to Bithynia an army under Nicomedes' older brother Socrates who was called also Nicomedes and surnamed Chrestus or "the thrifty". After Socrates had beaten his brother, Nicomedes, he took over the kingdom. (Justin, l. 38. c. 35. Appian. p. 176. & 178. Memnon in Excerptis Photii, c. 32.) 3916. When Nicomedes was stripped of his kingdom, he made his humble address to Rome. Thereupon it was decreed in the senate that both he and Ariobarzanes should be restored to their kingdoms. To do this, Manius Aquilius, who quelled the slave war in Sicily and Malthius or (as it is read in the MS. Marcus Altinius) (Justin, l. 38. c. 35. Appian. p. 176. & 178.) and Lucius Cassius who held Asia Pergamena with a small army, were sent as ambassadors. Mithridates was ordered to help them. However, Mithridates did nothing because the ownership of Cappadocia was then in dispute and the Romans had taken away Phrygia from him. (Appian. p. 176, 177.) He put them off with a long story of his grievances and showed the ambassadors what vast expenses he had incurred in both public and private accounts. (Dio. Legat. 30. in edit. Graca, vel 31. in Graco latina.) Trogus Pompeius has recorded this speech in which Mithridates affirms that his son was turned out of Cappadocia which by the law of nations belonged to him as the victor and also that he had slain Chrestus, King of Bithynia, as a favour to the Romans. (Justin l. 38. c. 5.) 3915b AM, 4625 JP, 89 BC 3917. Mithridates soon planned to fight with the Romans and drew Tigranes into his plans by their alliance. Mithridates would have the cities and the fields for his share and Tigranes would have the people and the plunder. Mithridates knew what great a task he had undertaken and sent his ambassadors abroad for help. Some he sent to the Cimmerians, others to the Galatians, to the Samaritans and the Basternans. By his gifts and favours, he had secured each of those countries beforehand when he first conceived the idea of fighting the Romans. He also commanded an army to come to him from Scythia. (Justin. l. 38. c. 3.) All those who inhabit Tanais, Ister and the Lake Maeotis were ready to help him. He sent also into Egypt and Syria to make an alliance with the kings. He had already 300 ships with decks and built more every day. He sent for captains and pilots from Phoenicia and Egypt. He also had his father's kingdom which was 2500 miles wide. He got on his side many of the neighbouring countries including the warlike country of Colchi. (Appian. in Mithridatic. p. 178, 180.) He seized that country which is bounded by the Halys River as far as Amastris and some parts of Paphlagonia. Moreover he annexed to his kingdom the sea coast toward the west to Heraclea. On the other side, he added to Pontus, all the country between Pontus, Colchis and Armenia the lesser. (Strabo, l. 12. p. 540, 541.) Aulus Gellius wrote how that he had 25 countries which paid homage to him as subjects. (l. 17. c. 17.) Valerius Maximus, (l. 8. c. 7.) Quintilianus, (l. 11. c. 2.) and Pliny (l. 7. c. 24. & l. 25. c. 2.) state that he had 22 counties under his control. Mithridates was so well skilled in everyone of their various languages that he never used any interpreter on any occasion he had to speak with the people. We read also in Sextus Aurelius Victor, (de viris illustribus, c. 76.) how that he could speak 22 different languages. However, in this place for 22 the manuscripts state 50. 3918. The Roman delegates with Cassius' soldiers and some other forces levied from Galatia and Phrygia had established again the kingdoms for Nicomedes in Bithynia and Ariobarzanes in Cappadocia. They advised both of them to attack Mithridates' country which bordered on theirs and by this start a war. They were assured of their help if Mithridates retaliated. Neither of them so much desired to dare to provoke so potent a neighbour by outright acts of hostility. The delegates prevailed on Nicomedes to attack Mithridates. Nicomedes owed huge sums of money to the general treasury and to the delegates themselves for his restitution to the kingdom. He also owed other money which he had borrowed on interest from the Romans in Asia who now called the loan in. Thus he was forced by this pinch and much against his own will, to make inroads into Mithridates' kingdom. He destroyed and pillaged the country as far as the city Amastus without any resistance. For although Mithridates was well prepared for a fight, he restrained himself and allowed the enemy to range at pleasure. This way all the world would see that he did not start the war against the Romans but fought back with just cause. (Appian. Mithridatic. p. 177. cum Livy l. 74. & Dione. Legat. 30, vel. 31.) Concerning the insolence of the Romans, Salust (in the 4th book of his History) states this of Mithridates in a letter he wrote to Arsaces: ``For why should I lose my kingdoms on every side because it was reported that I was rich and resolved against the Romans. They provoked by the war of Nicomedes that was privy to their wickedness and testified before the kings that afterwards ensued, &c.'' 3919. As soon as Nicomedes had returned home with his rich plunder, Mithridates sent Pelopidas the orator to the Roman generals and delegates. He knew well enough that Nicomedes did what he did by their instigation. He reasoned with them concerning the injuries and injustices done to him by Nicomedes. Nicomedes' ambassadors laid all the blame on Mithridates, as having started this war. The Romans replied that they were neither well pleased that Nicomedes should anyway molest Mithridates and neither would they allow Mithridates to recover his losses by waging war with Nicomedes. Mithridates received no better satisfaction. Since he knew the Romans planned to thwart his actions, he sent his son Ariarathes with a huge army to capture Cappadocia. His son soon drove out Ariobarzanes and reigned in his place. (Appian, in Mithridatic. p. 179. cf. Livy, l. 76, 77. Eutrop. l. 5. & Orosius, l. 6. c. 2.) Maltius or M. Altinius, the Roman delegate was defeated there at the same time. (Justin. l. 38. c. 4.) 3920. Mithridates sent his agents to Rome to ask the Romans that if they counted Nicomedes their friend that they would either persuade him or else compel him to do what was just and right. If they held him as an enemy that they would give Mithridates permission to avenge himself of him. The Romans did not gratify him in any one of his demands but threatened him if he did not give back Cappadocia to Ariobarzanes and make peace with Nicomedes. They ordered his ambassadors out of Rome the same day and strictly prohibited him from sending ambassadors to Rome again unless he submitted to their injunctions. (Dio. Legat. 31. or 32.) 3921. In the meantime, Mithridates sent Pelopidas to the Roman generals to tell them that he had sent some ambassadors to complain about them to the senate and therefore warned them to be present to justify their actions. They should not dare to do anything until they had received a decree from the senate and people of Rome. Since Pelopidas sounded somewhat harsh and insolent, the Romans warned Mithridates not to meddle with Nicomedes and to leave Cappadocia, for they would take care of restoring Ariobarzanes. They ordered Pelopidas from the camp and never to return until the king had done what he was told to do. He was sent away with an escort lest he try to bribe anyone along the way. (Appian.) 3922. The Roman generals did not wait for the decree from the senate and the people about this war. They drew their forces from Bithynia, Cappadocia, Paphlagonia and Galatia. They added to these the army that L. Cassius had for securing Asia. They arranged their forces into several divisions. Cassius camped around Bithynia and Galatia. Manius Aquilius had his brigade to secure the passage by which Mithridates had to use to enter Bithynia. Q. Oppius camped in the borders of Cappadocia. Each of them had 40,000 foot soldiers and cavalry. They had a fleet also sailing about Byzantium under the command of Minutius Rulus and C. Popilius who were to secure the entrance to the Pontus. Nicomedes also sent 50,000 foot soldiers and 6000 cavalry to help them. (Appian.) 3923. Mithridates had in his army 250,000 foot soldiers and 40,000 cavalry 300 ships with decks and 100 galleys with two tiers of oars. He had made other preparations required for so numerous an army. Neoptolemus and Archelaus were two brothers and had the command of these forces. The king personally took charge of many things. Among the auxiliaries, Archathias, Mithridates' son, brought 10,000 cavalry from Armenia the lesser. Dorylaus came from Phalanges with heavily armed foot soldiers. Craterus had the command of 130 chariots with scythes. (Appian.) 3924. As soon as Nicomedes and Mithridates' generals found each other in the plain near the Amnias River, they drew into battle array. Nicomedes used every man he had but Neoptolemus and Archelaus only used their lightly armed foot soldiers and Arcathias' cavalry along with some chariots. They made a phalanx of 8000 men. It was not yet come up but was on the march. The victory was uncertain. Sometimes one side had the upper hand then the other side. At last Mithridates' commanders with their smaller number of soldiers, unleashed their chariots armed with scythes and mowed the enemy down. It was hard to believe how many were killed. Nicomedes was forced to flee with his forces into Paphlagonia. The deserted enemy camp was plundered and the victors took the money. (Appian. cf. Memnon. c. 33. & Strabo l. 12. p. 562.) 3925. Nicomedes was chased from the field of battle and camped near the place where Manius Aquilius was with his brigade. Mithridates took the Scoroba Mountain which divides the Bithynians and the Pontus. He sent 100 cavalry of Sarmatans as his scouts who attacked 800 of Nicomedes' cavalry and took some of them prisoners. Neoptolemus and Nemanes, an Armenian, first entered the village of Pacheus about 7 hours after the battle and overtook Manius Aquilius, as he was drawing off his forces when Nicomedes was gone to Cassius. They forced him to fight when he had with him 4000 cavalry and 40,000 foot soldiers. Of these 10,000 were killed and 3000 taken prisoner. After this disaster, Aquilius fled as fast as he could toward the Sangarius River and crossed by night and escaped to Pergamus. (Appian. cf. Livy l. 77.) 3926. Cassius, Nicomedes and all the Roman delegates moved their camps and marched to Leontocephale which was the best fortified citadel in all Phrygia. They exercised a company of new soldiers whom they had gathered together from among the tradesmen, husbandmen and the scum of the people and made a levy of the Phrygians also. When they saw they would make poor soldiers, they dismissed them all and retreated from there. Cassius marched away with his forces to Apamea, Nicomedes to Pergamos and Aquilius toward Rhodes. As soon as tidings of this were brought to those that were set to keep the entrance into Pontus, they dispersed themselves. They delivered the inlets of Pontus and Nicomedes' ships as a prize to Mithridates. (Appian.) 3927. Mithridates sent all the prisoners home that he had taken in this war with provisions for the journey. He hoped by that act of clemency to get a good reputation among his enemies. (Appian.) This kind jesture was so admired by all, that all the cities came flocking to his side. Ambassadors came to him from all cities and invited him by their public decrees to come to them and called him their god and deliverer. When Mithridates came near a city the people came flocking from various cities in white garments to greet him and received him with great joy and acclamation. (Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Valesii. p. 401.) The titles of honour which they conferred on him, were too notable and so high for a mere man but were more befitting a god. They called him their god and asked for his help. (Athen. l. 5. c. 11,) They called him their lord, father, preserver of Asia, Evius, Dionysius, Nysius, Bromius and Bacchus. (Cicero. pro. Flacco.) Plutarch gives the reason in the first book of his Symposiacs why the title of Bacchus was given more than all the rest. 3928. After Nicomedes had withdrawn to Italy, Mithridates seized on all of Bithynia, so that he had nothing else to do there but to ride in circuit from city to city to settle things and put them in order. (Memnon. c. 33. Livy l. 76, 77. Strabo, l. 12. p. 502. Appian. p. 183.) From there he marched with a considerable army into Phrygia, a province belonging to the people of Rome. (Livy l.77.) He stayed in the same quarters which Alexander the Great had done previously. He took this for a very good omen that it happened that he should lodge at night where Alexander himself had slept. So he overran all Phrygia, Mysia and Asia including the provinces which had recently been taken over by the Romans, as far as Caria and Lycia. (Appian. p. 183.) 3916a AM, 4625 JP, 89 BC 3929. Mithridates sent his commanders around to subdue Lycia, Pamphylia and other places as far as Ionia. (Appian. p. 184.) He also invaded Paphlagonia and drove out from there Pyloemen the king who was a confederate of the people of Rome. (Eutrop. l. 5. Oros. l. 6. c. 2. cf. Appian in Mithridatic. p. 209.) 3930. The Athenians sent an ambassador to Mithridates. He was Athenio, the son by an Egyptian slave of Athenio the peripatetic. After his master died, he was left as the heir and enrolled as a free citizen of Athens. He assumed the name of Aristion, and taught young boys rhetoric and the peripatetic philosophy. He had no sooner wormed his way into the list of the king's favourites but he immediately solicited them through his letters to new ways of running the state. (Atheneus, l. 5. c. 10. & 11. Exposidonii Apameni Historia.) He was a person who was most impudent and cruel. He imitated the most vile of Mithridates' vices. (Plutarch. in Sulla, and his transcriber Dio, in Valesii Excerptis, p. 649.) 3931. Mithridates promised security and protection to the Laodiceans who lived near the Lycus River on the condition they turn over the proconsul. Q. Oppio. The proconsul of Pamphylia had retreated with his cavalry and mercenary soldiers. They disbanded the mercenaries and brought Oppius to Mithridates. He ordered the lictors to go before him in derision. Mithridates took him wherever he went and was extremely proud that he had taken a Roman general prisoner. (Livy. l. 78. Athenaus ut supra, c. 11. Appian. p. 184.) 3932. Mithridates' side swept all before them in Asia as they went around without opposition. All the cities strangely revolted from the Romans. The Lesbians resolved to surrender to the king and to turn over Aquilius to him, who fled to Mitilene to recover from a disease. Thereupon they sent to Aquilius' lodging, a company of strong youths. They came rushing into the room where Aquilius was and took and bound him. The Lesbians thought that he would be a most rare present and very acceptable to Mithridates. (Diod. Sic. in Excerptis Valesii, p. 401.) Along with Aquilius the Mitylenians turned over other prisoners to Mithridates. 3933. The king carried Aquilius wherever he went, bound on an ass. He had been the head of the embassy and the chief instigator of this war. He forced him with his own mouth to proclaim to the on lookers that he was Manius Aquilius. He was bound to Bastarnes who was about 7 and a half feet tall. Sometimes he was led on foot in a chain by a trouper. At last after he had been scourged and put on the rack at Pergamos, Mithridates ordered melted gold to be poured down his throat in atonement for the Roman corruption and bribery. (Athenaus & Appian. ut supr. cf. Cicero in Orat. prolege Manilia, & l. 5. Tusculan. quaest. Livy l. 78. & Pliny l. 33. c. 3.) 3934. After the king had appointed governors of the various places he had subdued, he went to Magnesia, Ephesus and Mitylene and was royally welcomed. When he came to Ephesus, the Ephesians took down all the statues of the Romans which they had set up among them. (Appian.) 3935. Mithridates' generals were received favourably by the cities. They found in these cities a good supply of gold and silver which the former kings had horded up and a good provision for war. Using this Mithridates did not need any tribute, so he forgave the cities their arrears of both public and private accounts and granted a release from tribute for 5 years. (Justin. l. 38. c. 3.) He says this of himself, in his letter to Atsaces. (l. 4. Histor. Calust.) ``I, in revenge of the injuries done to me, drove Nicomedes from Bithynia, recovered Asia, King Antiochus' spoil and eased Greece of that heavy burden under which it groaned.'' 3936. When Mithridates returned from Ionia, he captured Stratonicea and imposed a fine on it and left a garrison in it. He saw here a very beautiful virgin, called Monima, Philoponeses' daughter, whom he took along with him and put her among his women. He continued his war with the Magnetians, Paphlagonians and with the Lycians because they made some resistance and would not allow him to place his garrisons among them. (Appian.) In this dispute near the Sipylus Mountain, the Magnetians wounded Archelaus, Mithridates' general, who was pillaging their borders and they killed many of his men. (Pausanias in Atticis, p. 18.) 3937. Cleopatra the Egyptian queen, thought she had thwarted a plot by her son Alexander and planned his overthrow. However, she was taken by him and put to death. Neither was she in anyway to be pitied, who had done such wicked deeds. She drove her own mother from her marriage bed. She made her two daughters widows by forcing them to barter their husbands. She engaged in a war against one of her sons and did not stop until she had banished him. She deprived the other of his kingdom and his father plotted his murder. (Justin. l. 39. c. 4. cf. Pausanias in Atticis, p. 8. cf. Athenaus, l. 12. c. 27. cf. Eusebius in Chronico.) had Alexander reigned together with his mother for 18 years. (Porphyr. in Greek Euseb. Scaliger, p. 225.) 3938. As soon as it was known that Cleopatra was killed by her son, Alexander, the people were in an uproar which made Alexander flee the place. After he left, the Alexandrians sent ambassadors to Cyprus to Ptolemy Lathurus the older brother and turned over the kingdom of Egypt to him. He ruled for 8 years or as Porphyrius has more exactly stated, 7 years and 6 months. (Justin. l. 39. c. 5, Pausan. Porphyr. & Euseb. ut supr.) 3916b AM, 4626 JP, 88 BC 3939. After the death of her husband, Anna the prophetess, daughter of Phanuel did not leave the temple but served God with fastings and prayers night and day for 84 years until the time she saw Christ in the temple. Lu 2:37 3940. The Italians who revolted from the Romans, sent to Mithridates to ask him to march with his forces into Italy against the Romans. With his help they thought their united forces could easily defeat the Romans. Mithridates replied that he was resolved to march into Italy after he had completed his conquest over Asia with which he was now fully occupied. After Mithridates' refusal to help, the Italians began to despair and lost courage. Thereby the war with the confederates or the Marsian war died away. (Diod. Sic. in Bibliotheca, Photii, cod. 244.) In this war, among the supplies sent to the Romans from foreign parts as mentioned by Livy (l. 72.) there was sent from the Heracleots of Pontus, two galleys with 4 tiers of oars. Concerning this, Memnon mentioned in his history of them. (c. 31.) Among others on the Italian side, Agamemnon the Cilician pirate helped them. (Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Valesii, p. 398. & P. Orosius, in l. 5. c. 18.) 3941. Mithridates found that the citizens of Rome who were scattered through the cities of Asia were an hinderance to his plans. He sent private letters from Ephesus to the governors and magistrates of the cities. He ordered them that they all on the same day, 30 days from then, would to kill all the Roman and Italian sojourners with their wives, children and all other free born citizens of the Italians. Their bodies were to be left unburied. One part of their goods was to go to the king and the other to the assassins. He also threatened by a public crier to fine anyone who dared to bury any of the dead or hid any of them that had escaped the massacre. He promised a reward to those that would find any that did this. He promised a slave his liberty if he would murder his Roman master and to the debtor one half of his debt to kill his creditor. These instructions were secretly sent to all of them. When the appointed day came, it was not possible to count the great numbers of Roman citizens who were massacred at that time and in what a sad state most of the provinces were in. How pitiful a state of those that were killed and those that killed them. Everyone was compelled either to betray his innocent guests and friends or they would be fined. (Appian. in Mithridatic, p. 185. 206, 209, 212. cf. Cicero, in Orat. prologue Manilia, & pro Flacco, and with Memnon in Excerpt. c. 33. with Livy, l. 78. with Velleio Patercul. l. 2. c. 18. with Flor. l. 3. c. 5. with Eutrop. l. 5. & Orosius, l. 6. c. 2.) 3942. The Ephesians dragged those that had taken sanctuary in Diana's temple from the very embraces of their shrines and killed them. The Pergamenians were killed with arrows as they clung to the statues in the temple of Esculapius where they had fled for help and could not be persuaded to leave. The Adramytrians killed them with their children in the waters as they attempted to swim across the sea. The Caunians after their victory over Antiochus, were placed under the Rhodians and a little before that they were restored by the senate to their privileges and counted as Italians. They had escaped to the sacred court of that city from the very altars. After they had killed the infants before their mother's eyes, they killed the mothers and then their husbands. (Appian. ut supra, p. 185.) The Trallians did not kill anyone but to avoid the scandal of killing those who lived with them, hired a bloody fellow, Theophilus, a Paphlagonian to do the job. He acted so savagely that he shut them up in the temple of concord and then attacked them with his sword and cut off their hands as they embraced the statues. (Id. ibid. compared with Dion. in Excerptis Valesii, p. 642.) 3943. P. Rutilus Rufus who had been the consul, lived in banishment among the Mitylenians. He escaped the king's fury against all Roman men by dressing like a philosopher. (Cicero. pro. C. Rubinio Posthumo.) The fable of Theophanes the Mitylenian who wrote the affairs of Pompey the Great, is not to be credited at all. He wrote that in the fort Kaita, which was taken by Pompey, there was found among other precious secrets of Mithridates a speech of Rutilius in which he blamed the king for this cruel massacre of the Romans. (Plutarch in Pompey) Other Romans like Rutilius changed their clothes to better escape the danger which was at that time so imminent. (Athena. l. 5. c. 11.) The floating islands of Calaminae, in Lydia, saved many of the citizens. (Pliny l. 2. c. 95.) However, for all this, in that one day 80,000 were killed, (Memnon. c. 33. Valer. Maxim. l. 9. c. 2.) and not 150,000 as stated by Plutarch, (in Sulla) and by Dion who followed his history. (Legat. 36. or 37.) 3944. Mithridates sailed over to Cos where he found a party willing to receive him. The Cosians gave him the son, Alexander, of that Alexander, who had reigned in Egypt previously whom his grandmother, Cleopatra, had left in Cos with a large supply of money. He adopted him as his own son and raised him. Mithridates was well supplied from Cleopatra's treasures with wealth, exquisite pieces made by the craftsmen, jewels, all things belonging to women's dresses and a huge hoard of money. He sent all this away to Pontus. (Appian. in Mithridaticis, p. 186. 252., 253. & Bell. Civil. l. 1. p. 414.) Josephus from the books of Strabo's histories stated that Mithridates carried away in addition to those treasures which belonged to Cleopatra, 800 talents of the Jews' money. He thought that it was deposited by the Jews in Asia in that island from fear of the Mithridatic war and that the money was intended for the temple of Jerusalem. (l. 14. c. 12.) 3945. In the 19th year of his reign in Egypt and his 26th in Cyprus, Alexander, the father of this young Alexander, was defeated in a naval battle by the Egyptians under their admiral Tyrhus who was of royal blood. Alexander was forced with his wife and daughter, to flee to Myra, a city in Lycia. From there as he was sailing toward Cyprus, he was found by Chaereas, a sea captain and was killed. (Porphyr. in Grac. Eusebius, Scaliger, p. 225.) 3946. Athenio or Aristio, the Athenian ambassador was returning home to the Athenians from Asia from seeing Mithridates. He was driven by a storm to Carystia in Eubaea. The Athenians sent some long ships and a chair supported by silver feet to bring him home. Most of the city ran out of yje town to greet him. No sooner had he gotten the power of the city into his own hands, but he acted like a tyrant. He either killed those who favoured the Romans or else turned them over to Mithridates. To avoid this, many escaped to Amisus, a colony of the Athenians in Asia and were allowed into the city. (Possidonius, Apamenus, apud Athenaum, l. 5. c. 11. cf. Plutarch in Lucullo, cf. Pausianias in Atticis, p. 18.) 3947. Those Italians who escaped from Asia, found a sanctuary at Rhodes. L. Cassius the proconsul of Asia was one of these. The Rhodians fortified their walls and ports and positioned their engines. They were helped by some Telmissrans and Lycians. When Mithridates and his fleet approached, they pulled down the suburbs so that they might not be a shelter to the enemy or serviceable to them. They put their ships into fighting formation, some in the front and others on the sides. (Appian) The Rhodian ships were out numbered but in everything else they were superior. They had experienced pilots and better knew how to arrange their ships and work the oars. They had more valiant soldiers and the more skilled and courageous commanders. On the contrary, the Cappadocians were but fresh water soldiers and had little experience in naval battles. They did everything in a disorderly way which proved their undoing. (Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Vales. p. 402.) 3948. The Cappadocians were now ready to engage with the enemy at sea in the presence of their king and desired to prove their loyalty and affections to him. Since their only advantage was in the number of their ships, they tried to intercept the enemy's fleet by surprise. (Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Vales. p. 402) Finally after sunset, Damagoras the admiral of the Rhodian fleet, attacked 25 of the king's ships with his 6. He sank 2 and and forced another 2 to flee to Lycia. After spending the night at sea, he returned back again. In this encounter, one of the Chian ships, an ally of Rhodes, on the way attacked Mithridates' ship as he was encouraging his soldiers. The king almost fell into the enemy's hands and he later punished the captain and pilot and was displeased with all the Chians. After this, as Mithridates' land forces were sailing to him from Asia in ships and galleys, a sudden storm drove them onto Rhodes. The Rhodians attacked them as they were disordered and dispersed by the storm. They boarded some ships, sank others and burned others. They captured 400 prisoners. At last, Mithridates brought his engines and scaling-ladders to take the city. He was driven off and forced to retreat from Rhodes in disgrace. (Appian. cf. Memnon c. 33. & Livy l. 78.) 3949. From there he went to Patara and besieged it. Since he did not have materials for engines, he began to cut down Latona's grove. He had a dream that ordered him to stop and not to cut down those consecrated trees. He left Pelopidas to carry on the war in Lycia and he sent Archelaus into Greece to draw either by any means as many cities as he could into his alliance. While he entrusted his commanders with many great businesses, he busied himself in levying of soldiers, making arms and sporting about with his Stratonicean women. He also was busy in the examination of all persons who were charged of treason, either by attempting to kill him or overthrow the state or were in any way so inclined. (Appian. p. 188.) 3950. Archelaus, the king's general, was sent ahead into Achaia with 120,000 foot soldiers and cavalry. He had the city of Athens surrendered to him by Aristo the Athenian. (Livy l. 78. Eutrop. l. 5. Oras. l. 6. c. 2.) From there he went with his fleet and provisions to Delos which had revolted from the Athenians and destroyed other citadels. He also took money which had been dedicated to Apollo and sent it away by Aristo to the Athenians with an escort of 2000 soldiers for safety. (Appian. p. 188, 189.) Apellicon Teius, (Appian. l. 5. c. 11.) an Athenian citizen was a most intimate friend of Athenion or Aristo since they were both peripatetics. He quickly came with some companies of foot soldiers to Delos. He stayed there a while and thought he was safe enough. He did not place the guards with the care he should have and did not secure the hinder part of the island with a garrison or trench. Orobius or Orbius, the general of the Roman army was entrusted with Delos. He saw the man's negligence and imprudence and came with his forces on a dark night. He attacked them when they were in a deep sleep and had been drinking. He cut the throats of 600 of the Athenians and their auxiliaries, as if they had been so many sheep. He took about 400 alive. However, Apellicon escaped who so unworthily commanded that force. Many of them fled to the nearby villages for safety but Orobius pursued them and set fire to the houses, and burnt both them their siege engines and other engines that belonged to the league. When he was all done, he erected a monument and altar with this inscription: Here lies with sea, a foreign nation near The shores of Delos; which died fighting here. When those of Athens spoiled the holy isle, The Cappadocian king received a foil. 3917a AM, 4626 JP, 88 BC 3951. Mithridates sent Methrophanes with another band of soldiers and slaughtered many in Eubae, the country of Demetrias and Magnesia who were opposed to the king. Bryttius (or Brutius Sura, praetor of Sentius Macedonias and delegate, as Plutarch shows) with some small forces which he brought from Macedonia attacked him at sea. He sank one large ship and one ship called Hemiolia. He killed all the men that were in them while Metrophanes stood by looking on. The sight seemed so dreadful to him that he hoisted sail and got away as fast as he could. Bryttius chased him but the wind favoured Metrophanes. Bryttius was happy to give up the chase and attack Sciathus an island which was the common hang out for the barbarian thieves and robbers. As soon as he conquered the place, he hung all the slaves that were found there and the he punished the free men with the loss of their hands. (Appian.) 3952. One of the sons of Mithridates held that ancient kingdom of Pontus and Bosphorus as far as the waste above the lake of Maeotis and no one opposed him. The other Ariarathes, proceeded in the conquest of Thracia and Macedonia. The various generals whom Mithridates sent with armies stayed in other quarters. Archelaus was the head of them and with his fleet controlled almost all of the sea. He brought the islands of Cyclades under his jurisdiction and as many others as lay within Malea. (Plutarch in Sulla.) Eretria, Chalcis and all Eubaea came and sided with Mithridates. (Memnon c. 34.) 3917b AM, 4627 JP, 87 BC 3953. Lucius Sulla the proconsul with L. Cornelius Cinna the consul marched into Greece with 5 legions and some other companies to manage the Mithridatic war. (Plutarch, in Sulla. Dio. in Excerpt. Valesii, p. 642. Appian. in Mithridatic. p. 390. & l. 1. Civ. Bell. p. 399.) Mithridates at that time stayed at Pergamos where he was very busy distributing among his friends his wealth, principalities and places of command. Among the many signs which happened to Mithridates while he stayed at Pergamos, it is said that at the same instant that Sulla put to sea with his fleet from Italy, the men of Pergamos in the theatre were letting down with an engine a statue of victory bearing a crown upon Mithridates' head. It happened that when the crown had just come to his head, it fell to the ground and was broken in pieces. This accident was taken as a bad omen and the people were struck with horror. Although everything was going well for him at that time, Mithridates was also greatly amazed. (Plutarch in Sulla.) 3954. Among the other strange visions which appeared to Mithridates when he first planned his war against the allies of the people of Rome, are these ones. Julias Obsequens says this happened at the time of the consulship of L. Sulla and Q. Pompey. At Stratopedo, where the senate usually sat, the crows killed a vulture with their beaks. The form of Isis seemed attacked with thunder and a huge star fell from heaven on the same place. At that time Mithridates was busy in burning the grove dedicated to the Furies, a great laughing was heard but no one could be found who laughed. When by the advice of the soothsayers, he would have sacrificed a virgin to the Furies, a sudden fit of laughing burst forth from the throat of the damsel which disturbed the sacrifice. 3955. M. Cicero at Rome, studied under Molon the Rhodian, who was the most famous for pleading of causes and the best instructer. (Cicero in Bruto.) This was that Alabandensian Orator from Caria, as described later by Strabo. (See note on 3927 AM << >>). 3956. When Sulla entered Attica, he sent part of his forces to oppose Aristion in the city. He personally marched immediately to Pineum where Archelaus, Mithridates' general, had retreated within the walls. (Appian.) 3918a AM, 4627 JP, 87 BC 3957. The winter season was drawing on and Sulla camped near Eleusine where he made a deep trench from the mountains to the sea. He wanted ships that he sent to Rhodes, to bring him supplies. (Appian.) 3958. Finally in March, Sulla took Athens which was very short of provisions: He relates this in his commentaries. ``htij hmera sumpiptz malisa th noumtwia tou Anbesheiatnos mtwosÃ su wht tucgw upomtimata pollad pou lga t epom beian oliqrou kn t fqoeas dxeiuhj drazsinÃ ws tote kn pxi t ceonqn sheinon malisa tou hataklusmossumpesontos'' (Plutarch) 3959. Comparing that day with the beginning of the month Anthesterion, it was the time when the memory of Ogygis' flood is celebrated by the Athenians. The Athenian lunar month of Anthesterion in Plutarch's time corresponded to March. However, the incorrect calendar of the Romans, the month of March happened on the Athenian month Poseidon which on the Julian calendar was in December. 3918b AM, 4628 JP, 86 BC 3960. The Rhodians found it impossible to bring supplies to Sulla by sea because of Mithridates' fleets which policed the seas. They advised L. Lucullus, a man of great repute among the Romans and one of Sulla's ambassadors to sail secretly to Syria, Egypt and Libya. He was to gather what ships he could from the king's cities and bring them to join with the Rhodian fleet. He set out in the midst of winter and was not deterred by the unfavourable sailing weather. He left with 3 Greek and 3 Rhodian galleys. He risked his life on the sea and the many enemy ships that patrolled the area. In spite of this, he arrived at Crete and got that island to help him. (Appian. Mithridatic. p. 192. Plutarch in Lucullo.) 3961. When Athens was taken, Aristio the tyrant and others retreated into the fort of Athens. After they had been besieged by Curio for a long time, they were forced to surrender for lack of water. On the same day at the very time Curio brought the tyrant from the fort, the sky suddenly became overcast and there was a violent rain storm which supplied the fort with fresh water. Sulla executed Aristion and his company and any who held an office among them or had any ways violated the constitutions which the Romans established among them after their conquest of Greece. To all the others he granted his free pardon. (Appian Mithridatic p. 195. 196. Plutarch in Sulla. Strabo. l. 9. p. 398.) Pausan stated that when Aristio fled to the temple of Minerva for sanctuary, Sulla commanded him to be dragged there and put to death. (in Attic. p. 18.) Others say that he was poisoned by Sulla. (Plutarch. in Sulla.) 3962. Magnesia was the only city in all Asia which remained loyal to the Romans and valiantly fought against Mithridates. (Livy l. 81.) 3963. Lucullus noted that the Cyrenians were always ruled by tyrants and continually embroiled in war. He settled the affairs of their state and enacted laws to secure the peace of the state for the future. (Plutarch in Lucullo.) After they had been taken over by the Romans 10 years earlier, they had been grievously oppressed by Nicocrates and his brother Leandri. They had recently been relieved from their oppression through Aretaphila, Nicocrates' wife. Plutarch show this in his little book of women's virtues. 10 years later, Cyrene was made a province by the Romans as noted by Appian. (See note on 3928 AM << >>) Josephus stated from books of Strabo's histories that at this time Cyrene was disturbed by a rebellion of the Jews and that Lucullus was quickly sent there by Sulla to pacify it. (Joseph. l. 14. c. 12.) 3964. As Lucullus was sailing from Cyrene to Egypt, he nearly lost all his ships by a sudden attack of pirates. He escaped safely in person to Alexandria where he was received with a great deal of honour. The whole fleet was gloriously decorated and went to meet him as was their custom anytime their king returned from the sea. Ptolemy Lathurus, whom Plutarch incorrectly calls a youth, treated him very courteously. He gave him his lodging and his table at court, which was never before known to be done to any foreign commander. He allowed him 4 times the usual amount to pay his expenses. Lucullus only took what was necessary and refused all presents although some were worth 80 talents. It is said that he did not go to Memphis nor went to see any of the famous wonders of Egypt. He considered those things as sights for tourists and not for one who had left his general in the open field marching against the garrisons of the enemy. (Plutarch in Lucullo.) 3965. Aurelius Victor writes that Lucullus won Ptolemy king of Alexandria, over to his side with Sulla the consul. (de. vir. illistr. c. 74.) However, at that time, Sulla was not a consul but a proconsul. Also Ptolemy would not ally himself with Sulla for fear of being attacked. However Ptolemy allowed Lucullus ships to take him to Cyprus. When he was leaving, Ptolemy greeted him and gave him an emerald set in gold. Lucullus first refused this but when the king showed him the king's own picture engraved on it, Lucullus dared not refuse lest the king thought he left unhappy with him and he be attacked at sea. (Plutarch, in Lucullo.) 3966. Lucullus with those ships he had gathered from among the port towns as he sailed by, condemned all who had been engaged in piracy. He sailed over into Cyprus. He was told that the enemy was lurking under the promontories to catch him. He sailed his fleet into harbour and wrote to the cities around there to provide him with winter quarters and provisions. He pretended that he would stay there with his fleet until spring. However, as soon as the wind was favourable, he put to sea again. In the daytime he sailed with low sails and in the night he spread all the canvas he had. By this trick, he arrived safely with his fleet at Rhodes. (Plutarch, in Lucullo.) 3967. Cinna the consul, sent his colleague Lucius Valerius Flaccus with 2 legions into Asia to govern the province and to manage the war against Mithridates. He was a novice soldier and therefore C. Fimbria, one of the senators went along with him. He was a man of reputation among the soldiers. Livy, Aurelius, Victor and Orosius, call him Flaccus' delegate, Dio, his lieutenant general, Strabo, his quaestor, Velleius Paterculus, general of the cavalry. When they undertook this task, the senate ordered them to help Sulla as long as he was loyal to the senate otherwise they should fight with him. Soon after they had put to sea from Brundusium, many of their ships were ravaged by a storm. Ships from Mithridates burned the ships which were damaged. (Memnon, c. 36. Livy l. 82. Strabo, l. 13. p. 594. Vellei Patercul. l. 2. c 24. Dio. in Excerpt. Valesii, p. 650. Appian. l. 1. Bell. Civil. p. 396. & in Mithridatic. p. 204. cf. Orosius, l. 6. c. 2.) 3968. Mithridates' general, Taxiles, marched from Thracia and Macedonia with 100,000 foot soldiers, 10,000 cavalry and 90 chariots with scythes. He asked Archelaus to help him and they combined their forces. They had 120,000 men (Memnon acknowledges more than 60,000) consisting of Thracians, Pontics, Scythians, Cappodicians, Bithynians, Galatians, Phrygians and others who came from Mithridates' new provinces. Sulla brought along with him L. Hortensius, who had 6000 men from Italy. They fought with Taxiles near Chaeronea even thought he only had about 1500 cavalry and 15,000 foot soldiers according to Plutarch. However, Appian stated that his whole body was so small that it was less than a third the size of the enemy. Sulla won and killed 110,000 of the enemy, (or 100,000 as in Livy's Epitome) and pillaged their camp. Archelaus escaped to Chalcis with not many more than 10,000 men. Sulla stated that he lost about 14 men, others say 15. Two of the supposed dead returned to the camp at evening. (Memnon, c. 34. Livy l. 82. Plutarch in Sulla. Appina. in Mithridatic, Eutrop. l. 5. Oros. l. 6. c. 2.) 3969. Sulla received news that Flaccus, the consul who was in an opposing political party, was sailing across the Ionian Sea with some legions under the pretence that he came against Mithridates but he came to fight Sulla. Sulla marched into Thessalia to meet him. (Plutarch.) Flaccus was a poor person to lead the army. He was poorly qualified, covetous, rigorous and cruel when punishing his soldiers. His soldiers detested him so much that part of those who were sent by him into Thessalia, defected to Sulla. The rest would have also revolted had it not been for Fimbria, who was reputed the better soldier and of a softer temper. (Appian. p. 204.) 3970. Since the Romans had no navy, Archelaus roved about the islands quite secure and made havock anywhere he pleased all along the coast. He ventured ashore and laid siege to Cerinthus. He was attacked in the night by some Romans who were strangers in those parts. He hurried to his ships again and sailed back to Chalois more likely a pirate than a warrior. (Appian) 3971. Mithridates was much appalled by the news of his defeat but he was not discouraged too much. He made new levies from all the countries under his dominion. He feared lest some be encouraged by his defeat to revolt from him. Therefore he though it best to secure all those he suspected before the war broke out afresh. (Appian.) 3972. He began with the tetrarchs of the Galatians, as well those whom he had about him as his friends, as those who were not as yet subdued by him. He killed them all with their wives and children, except 3 who escaped. He surprised some by treachery and the rest he massacred in one night at a party. He was jealous that none of them would remain loyal to him if Sulla chanced to come into those parts. After he confiscated their gods, he placed garrisons into their cities and made Eumachus governor over the whole country. Shortly after the tetrarchs escaped, they gathered a force and drove him and his garrisons from Galatia. Hence, Mithridates had nothing from that country but money. (Appian.) 3973. He was angry with the Chians, ever since that time a ship of theirs in the naval battle with the Rhodians happened to attack the king's ship. He first set to sell the goods of all the citizens who defected to Sulla. After that, he sent some persons to spy on the Roman faction among the Chians. At last, Zenobius, or as Memnon wrote, Dorylaus, came there with an army under the pretence of going into Greece. He surprised the Chians by night and captured their strongest forts. After this, he placed guards at the gates of the city and he assembled the citizens together. He compelled them to turn over their arms and the best men's sons for hostages. These were sent to Erithiae. After this, Mithridates sent letters to the Chians about asking for 2000 talents in compensation. They were forced to take down the ornaments from their temples and make their women give up their jewellery to pay this. In spite of this, Zenobius picked a quarrel with them pretending that their money was not enough. He ordered the men to separate themselves from the women and children to be carried by ship into the Euxine Sea to Mithridates. He divided their lands among the Pontics. (Appian. cf. Memnon. c. 35.) 3974. The Heraclians, who were good friends of the Chians attacked the Pontic ships which carried the captives on the way and brought them into their city. They did not make any resistance at all for they were out numbered. At that time they relieved the Chians and gave them what they needed. In time, they restored them to their own country after being very generous to them. (Memnon. c. 35.) 3975. The Ephesians ordered Zenobius as he approached the city with his soldiers, to lay down his arms at the gate of the city and to enter with a very small company. He was contented to do so and went to Philopoemenes, the father to Monima, one of Mithridates' concubines. From there he had a town crier summon the Ephesians together. Since they expected no good thing from him, they deferred the assembly until the next day. That night, they met together and urged each other to attack Zonobius. So they cast him into prison and killed him there. They placed their guards on the walls and they armed the common people. They arranged them into companies and brought home the grain from the fields. They secured the youth of the city from making any riots. The Trallians, Hypaepenians, Mesopolites and some others, among whom the Smyrdeans, Sardians and Colophonians, are mentioned by Orosius (l. 6. c. 2.) were terrified by the terrible disaster that had recently happened to the Chians. When they heard of the Ephesians exploits, they followed their example. (Appian.) 3919a AM, 4628 JP, 86 BC 3976. Fimbria, out distanced Flaccus and got a long way ahead of him in his march. He thought that now was a good time for some civil disorder. Therefore to endear his soldiers to him, he permitted them to make incursions into the countries of their allies. They could do what they pleased and take anyone they met captive. The soldiers really liked this idea so that within a few days they had gathered an abundance of wealth by their plundering. Those who had been robbed of their goods, went to meet the consul, Flaccus. They complained bitterly to him of the wrongs they had received. He was very upset by this and ordered them to follow him. He personally would see that restitution was made to everyone that had been robbed. He threatened and ordered Fimbria immediately to return to the owners whatever had been taken away from them. Fimbria placed full blame on the soldiers who did this without any orders from him. However, he secretly told them to ignore the consuls commands nor allow that to be taken from them which they had gotten by law of arms. After this when Flaccus demanded that restitution be made for their rapine and added threats to his commands, the soldiers refused to obey. There was a great rebellion in the camp. (Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Valesii. p. 406, 409.) 3977. On his march to meet Flaccus, when Sulla had come as far as the town of Melitea, he received news from various places that the country which he left behind was over run with another army of the kings as much as before. For Dorylaus had arrived at Chalcis with a large fleet, in which he carried 80,000 armed men who were the most exercised and best experienced of all Mithridates' soldiers. He attacked Reotis and after he captured all that region, he marched to fight with Sulla. (Plutarch in Sulla.) 3978. This Dorylaus was the son of Philaetor who was the brother to that Dorylaus, the general. (See note on 3879 AM <<3620>>). He was raised by Mithridates who liked him very much. When he was a man, the king promoted him to the highest honours of which the highest was being appointed the priesthood of Comana in Pontus. The king invited his relatives, the sons of Dorylaus the general and Sterota, a woman of Macetis, Lagera, whose daughter was the mother to Strabo the geographer and Stratarcha, after their father's death to come to him at Cnossus. (Strabo. l. 10. p. 477, 478. & l. 12. p. 557.) 3979. Dorylaus with his 80,000 (Plutarch and Appian) or with 70,000 (Eutropius and Orosius) choice soldiers joined with Archelaus' forces. He had only 10,000 left of his former army and tried in vain to convince Dorylaus not to attack Sulla. They attacked Sulla near Orchomenus and lost 15,000 men (Appian and Orosius) or 20,000 (Eutropsus). Archelaus' son, Diogenes was killed. Soon after this, they had a second battle, and in this the rest of Mithridates' forces were destroyed. For 20,000 were driven into a nearby moor and there butchered. They cried for mercy but the Romans did not understand their language and so they killed them. Many more were forced into a river and drowned. The rest of the miserable wretches were killed on every side. (Appian, cf. Livy. l. 82. & Eutropius, l. 5. & Orosius, l. 6. c. 2.) Plutarch stated that the marshes overflowed with the blood of the dead and that a pool was filled up with dead bodies. So much so that 200 years later in his time many of the barbarians' bows, helmets, pieces of coats of mail and swords were found buried in the mud. 3980. Archelaus spent 2 days (Plutarch on Sulla) or 3 days (Eutropius l. 5.) hiding in the marshes of the Orchomenians, stripped and naked. At last, he found a little boat and sailed into Chalcis. Wherever he met with any of Mithridates' forces, he hastily assembled them into a body of troops. Sulla, pillaged and made what havock he could in Boeotia. It used to revolt at every new crisis. From there he passed into Thessaly and there made his winter quarters. He expected Lucullus' arrival with ships. When he heard no news of his coming, he built other ships. (Appian.) Livy stated (l. 82.) that Archelaus surrendered himself and the king's fleet to Sulla. Aurelius Victor wrote that by Archelaus' treachery, Sulla intercepted the fleet. (de vir. illustrib. c. 76.) It was evident that there was frequent secret communications between Sulla and Archelaus as well for other reasons. For Sulla had given to Archelaus 10,000 acres in Eubaea, where Chalcis was. However, Sulla tried to remove all those suspicions in his commentaries. (Plutarch. in Sulla, & Dio followed him. Legat, 33. or 34.) Although some expressions in a letter of Mithridates to Arsaces implied that those suspicions were so firmly rooted into men's minds that they were not easily removed. (Salust's Histories. l. 4.) ``Archelaus the most unworthy of those that were under me, thwarted my plans by his betraying my army.'' 3981. Strabo stated that Archelaus, who waged war against Sulla, was highly admired by the Romans, Sulla and the senate. (Strabo. l. 12. p. 558, & l. 17. p. 796.) 3982. In the interim, Flaccus came to Byzantium, where Fimbria had caused the soldiers to revolt against him. Flaccus ordered his soldiers to stay outside the walls, while he entered the city. Thereupon Fimbria began to accuse Flaccus of receiving money from the citizens of Byzantium and that he had gone to pamper himself in the city while they endured the harshness of winter in the open fields in their tents. These speeches so highly enraged the soldiers that they broke into the city and killed a few whom they met by chance on the way. They dispersed themselves into various houses, (Dio. in Excerpt. Valesii, p. 650.) 3983. L. Valerius Flaccus passed through the region of Byzantium into Bithynia and camped at Nicaea. (Memnon c. 36.) Cicero (in his Oration for Flaccus, this man's son) stated: ``It was the same time when all Asia shut her gates to L. Flaccus, the consul or now rather proconsul, but not only received that Cappadocian (Mithridates) into their cities but sent deliberately to invite him to them.'' 3919b AM, 4629 JP, 85 BC 3984. When some differences arose between Fimbria and Flaccus' treasurer, Flaccus was chosen as an arbitrator. He had so little regard for Fimbria's honour, that Fimbria threatened (as Appian has it), to return home to Rome) or (as it is in Dion) Flaccus threatened to send him to Rome whether he wanted to go or not. Thereupon Fimbria so vilely reproached Flaccus that Flaccus took away his command from him and assigned another to replace him. (Appian. p. 204. Dio. in Excerpt. Valesii, p. 650.) 3985. After this dispute, Fimbria was discharged (Aurelius Victor, de vir. illustirb. c. 70.) and went to the soldiers at Byzantium. He greeted them as if he was going to Rome and desired letters from them to take to their friends there. He complained moreover of the great injustice done to him and reminded them of the good turns he had done for them and that they should take heed and look out for themselves. He secretly hinted by this that Flaccus had some plot against them. His words were well received and they wished him well. However they were jealous of Flaccus. Then he ascended the platform and in plain words incited them against Flaccus and among other things he charged Flaccus with bribing him to betray them. (Dio. in Excerpt. Valesii, p. 650.) 3986. When Fimbria had again crossed the Hellespont, he stirred up his soldiers to acts of plunder and all kind of villainies. He exacted money from the cities and divided it among the soldiers whom he let do as they wished without restraint. They were attracted by the hopes of a large income and loved Fimbria all the more. (Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Valesii, p. 409.) 3987. When Flaccus had gone towards Chalcedon with his fleet, Fimbria took the advantage of his absence. He began first with Thermus who was left in charge. He took away from him the fasces or ensigns of his authority as if he had taken that office on him from the army. Fimbria chased after Flaccus. However, Flaccus fled and hid in a private man's house. In the night, he scaled the wall and stole away first to Chalcedon and from there to Nicomedia and had the gates shut. Fimbria followed him closely and made the Roman consul (or rather one that had been consul, as Velleius terms him) and the commander-in-chief of this war to hide himself in a well. Fimbria dragged him from there and killed him. After he had cut off Flaccus' head, he threw it into the sea, but left the body lying unburied on the ground. (Appian. p. 204, 205. cf. Memnon, c. 36, 42. Livy l. 82. Velleius, Patercul. l. 2. c. 24. Strabo, l. 13. p. 594. Aurelius, Victor. de viris illustrib. c. 70. & Orosius, l. 6. c. 2.) Fimbria allowed his solders to plunder Nicomedia. (Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Vales. p. 409.) 3988. Mithridates sent an army against those that had revolted from him. After he had defeated them, he acted most rigorously against them. (Appian. p. 202.) He forced all the cities in Asia and miserably pillaged the province. (Livy l. 82.) He feared lest others should prove disloyal and made the cities of Greece free. He promised by a public crier to cancel all the debts of all the debtors, all prisoners would be allowed to live freely in their own cities and all slaves would be set free. He hoped that by these acts of grace he might buy the loyalty of all debtors, prisoners and slaves so they would help keep him in power. This happened not long after. (Appian. p. 202.) 3989. In the meantime the king's intimate friends, Mynio and Philotimus who were Smyrneans, and Clisthenes and Asclepiodotus who were from Lesbos conspired against Mithridates. Asclepiodotus had been sometimes commander of his mercenary soldiers. Asclepiodotus himself was the first to talk. To obtain credit for what he said, he had the king lie under a bed and listen to what Mysion would say. The treason was thus exposed and all the conspirators died on the rack. Many others were shrewdly suspected to have a hand in it. 80 Pergamedians were seized because they were thought to be in on this conspiracy and others in other cities. Then the king sent his inquisitors into all parts who executed about 1600 men for this conspiracy. Everyone of the inquisitors charged their enemies with treasonable conduct. Not long after this, the accusers were either punished by Sulla or killed themselves or accompanied Mithridates in his flight to Pontus. (Appian. p. 202, 213. cf. Orosius, l. 6, c. 2.) 3990. Among others, Diodorus, Mithridates' praetor, who claimed to be an academic philosopher, a lawyer and a rhetorician, killed all the elders of the Adramitteans to please the king. He went with the king into Pontus when the king was deposed. He starved himself to death to prevent the disgrace which was likely to happen to him because of some great crimes which he was charged with. (Strabo, l. 13. p. 614.) 3991. L. Lucullus with the help of some Rhodian ships and that fleet which he gathered together from Cyprus, Phoenicia and Pamphylia, wasted all the enemy's coasts. Now and then by the way, he fought with Mithridates' fleet. (Appian. 207, 208.) He persuaded the citizens of Cos and the Cnidians, to expel the king's garrisons and to take up arms with him against the Samians. He drove the king's party from Chios. He relieved the Colophonians and set them at liberty. He seized Epigonius, their king. (Plutarch in Lucullo.) Through Marena's help, he brought Mithridates' fleet to Sulla. (Aurel. Victor. de viris illustrib. c. 74.) 3920a AM, 4629 JP, 85 BC 3992. After C. Fimbria had killed Flaccus in Bithynia and taken his army, he was made their general. (Velleius, l. 2. c. 24.) He controlled some cities. Some voluntarily submitted to him while others were forced to submit. (Memnon. c. 36.) He killed many people not for any just reason but merely to gratify his passion and from cruelty. For one time he ordered some posts to be fastened to the ground, to which he was used to have men bound and scourged to death. When he saw that there were more posts available than condemned persons, he ordered his soldiers to seize some of the crowd that stood by and bind them to the posts lest the posts appear to have been set up in vain. (Dio. in excerptis Valesii. p. 653.) 3993. When Fimbria entered Cizicum, he claimed to be their friend. As soon as he was in, he began to charge all the wealthiest of them with some crime or other. After he had condemned two principal men of the city, he had them whipped with rods to terrify the rest. After this he had them decapitated and sold their goods. This forced others from fear to give to him all that they had. (Diod. Sic. in Excerpt Valefii, p. 409.) 3994. Mithridates, the son of Mithridates, joined with Taxiles, Diophantes, and Menander, three most expert commanders. With a good army they marched against Fimbria. Because of the huge number of enemy soldiers, Fimbria lost some men in the battle. They came to a river which parted both armies. In a great storm of rain which happened before morning, Fimbria crossed the river and so surprised the enemy as they lay asleep in their tents so that they never knew he was there. He made such great slaughter of them that very few, only of the commanders and cavalry escaped. (Memnon. c. 36.) 3995. Among those who escaped, was Mithridates, the king's son. He was chased from Asia to Miletopolis and arrived safely from there with a company of cavalry to his father at Pergamos. Fimbria attacked the king's ships as they lay in harbour and drove him from Pergamos. After he had taken the city, he pursued him as he fled into Pitane. He besieged him and endeavoured to make a trench about the place. ( Memnon. c. 36. Livy l. 38. Appian. p. 205. Plut. in Lucullo. Aurel. Victor. de vir. illustr. c. 70. Oros. l. 6. c. 2.) 3996. Mithridates was now driven from the land by Fimbria and trapped in a corner facing the sea. He summoned together all his fleet from their various places. He did not want to fight with Fimbria who was clever and a conqueror. When Fimbria saw this happen, he quickly sent to Lucullus to ask him to bring his fleet and unite with him in taking this king who was the most bitter and cruel enemy of the people of Rome. If Lucullus had placed the public good ahead of his private animosities, they would have captured Mithridates. However, he did not and Mithridates escaped. (Plut. & Oros. l. 6. c. 2.) 3997. After Mithridates escaped with his fleet to Mitylene, Fimbria went up and down the province and levied fines on those that supported Mithridates. He destroyed the grounds of any who would not let him into their city. (Appian. ut. sup.) He recovered most of Asia for the Romans because of the various defections of the cities from Mithridates. (Memnon, c. 36. Livy l. 83.) 3998. When Fimbria tried to take Troy, they sent to Sulla for help. After Sulla agreed to help, he warned Fimbria not to meddle any further with those that had submitted to him. He commended Troy for returning to that alliance they formerly had with the people of Rome. He also said it did not really matter who they submitted to, since both Sulla and Fimbria were Roman citizens and they all descended from the Trojans. In spite of all this, Fimbria stormed the city and entered it upon the 11th day. He bragged had he had taken the city in only 11 days when Agamemnon with a fleet of a 1000 ships and the whole power of Greece had much trouble taking it in 10 years. A certain man said the reason was: ``There was not among us an Hector who would stand bravely to defend the city.'' 3999. He indiscriminately killed all that he met and burned almost the whole city. He tormented to death those who were in the embassy to Sulla. Neither did he spare the holy things nor those who had fled to the temple of Minerva for sanctuary but burnt them and the temple together. Moreover he pulled down the walls. The next day he surrounded the city and looked for anything that had escaped his fury. He did not allow any fair court or consecrated house or statue to be left in the city. (Livy l. 83. Strabo, l. 13. p. 554. Appian. p. 205. Dio. in Excerpt. Valesii, p. 653. Oros. l. 6. c. 2.) 4000. Fimbria ordered Troy burned to be because they were somewhat slow in opening the gates to him. Aurelius Victor wrote that Minerva's temple stood untouched. (De viris illistrib. c. 70.) He said: ``It was without all doubt preserved by the goddess herself.'' 4001. However, Julius Obsequens and Appian affirm that the temple was burned. Among its ruins the Palladium that ancient image, which was supposed to be taken by Diomedes and Ulysses in the time of the Trojan war, was found safe and unharmed. Fimbria found this out, as Servius noted on the second book on the Aeneid, and it was later carried to Rome. However, Strabo stated that several similar images of Minerva were shown at Lavinium, Luceria and Siritis, as though they had been brought from Troy. (l. 6. p. 264.) Appian wrote that this destruction of Troy happened in the 173rd Olympiad, (p. 206.) and 1050 years after its destruction by Agamemnon. However, according to Eratosthenes, Apollodorus and Diodorus Siculus, there were 1099 years between that first destruction of Troy and the 4th year of the 173rd Olympiad when Troy was destroyed again. 4002. Lucullus first routed the king's fleet near Lection in Troas. At Tenedos, he saw Neoptolemus sailing toward him with a larger ship than before. He sailed some distance ahead of his fleet in a Rhodian ship with five tiers of oars. Damagoras was the captain of the ship and was very skilled in naval fights. He favoured the Romans. Neoptolemus sailed on him very fast and ordered the pilot to direct his forecastle against the enemy ship. Demagoras feared the size of the king's ship and the force of its brazen prow. He dared not to close in the front but ordered to the pilot to stop the course of the ship by turning her hastily about. So by breaking the blow, the enemy sailed quickly on. The ship was not harmed since he only struck some parts of the ship which were underwater. As soon as the rest of the fleet came to him, Lucullus commanded the pilot to steer about. After displaying his valour, he compelled the enemy to hoist sail and sailed as fast as he could in the pursuit of Neoptolemus. (Plutarch in Lucullo.) 4003. Aretas, king of Coelosyria was invited by the citizens of Damascus to be over the government because they disliked Ptolemy Mennaeus. Aretas entered with an army into Judaea. After he had defeated Alexander Jannaeus at Adida, he marched home after securing terms of peace with Alexander. (Joseph. l. 13. c. 23.) 4004. When Cinna and Carbo started a civil disorder in Rome, they violently attacked the most eminent persons of the city without any restraint. Most of the nobility stole away first into Achaia and later to Asia to Sulla. In a short time, there was in his camp many senators. (Vellet. Patercul. lib. 2. c. 23. Plutarch, in Sulla, & from him Dio. in Excerpt. Vales. p. 649.) All urged him to come to the relief of his own country which was in extreme danger and almost lost. (Eutrop. l. 5. Oros. l. 15. c. 20.) Metella, his wife, barely escaped with her own life and her children and came to his house. She told Sulla that his house and its village were burned by the enemy and therefore begged him to come and help the city. (Plutarch.) 4005. After Mithridates considered how many men he had lost in so short a time since he first advanced into Greece, he wrote to Archesaus to make peace with Sulla on as honourable conditions as he could get. (Appian. p. 206.) Sulla was now in a great perplexity. He did not want to abandon his country in that sad state it was in, nor did he want to leave Asia with an unfinished war with Mithridates. Thereupon Archelaus of Delos offered to negotiate the treaty and had some hopes and secret instructions from Archelaus the king's general. Sulla was very well pleased by this and he hurried to go and confer with Archelaus. They met at sea near Delos, where Apollo's temple stands. Archelaus began by demanding of Sulla that he would abandon his Asian and Pontic expedition and go home to put down the civil war there. He said that the king, his master, would supply him with what silver, ships, or men, he needed. Sulla replied and told him to abandon Mithridates and reign in his stead. He would call Archelaus an ally and friend of Rome, if he would turn over the king's fleet to him. Archelaus detested so treacherous an act. Finally, Sulla set forth some conditions of peace to be made with the king. (Plutarch in Sulla.) Among the conditions was one that the king should withdraw all his garrisons from all places except those in which he had soldiers before the war broke out. When Archelaus heard this, he immediately removed the garrisons. Archelaus wrote the king concerning the other articles to know what the king wanted to do. (Appian. p. 207.) 4006. When the articles were agreed on, Sulla withdrew to Hellespont, and crossed through Thessalie and Macedonia. Archelaus accompanied him and Sulla treated him very civilly. When Archelaus became quite sick near Larissa, Sulla stopped his march and took just as much care of him as if he had been one of his own commanders or praetors. All this increased the suspicion that Mithridates had of Archelaus in that he did not fight as well as he could in the battle at Chaeronea. (Plutarch, in Sulla, Dio. Legat. 33. or 34.) 4007. The ambassadors from Mithridates came to Sulla. They said the terms about the surrender Paphlagonia and the ships were unacceptable. They added that they could get easier conditions from the other general, Fimbria. Sulla replied in a rage that Fimbria would smart for this and that he himself would see, as soon as he came into Asia, whether Mithridates stood in greater need of peace or war. Archelaus interceded with Sulla and took him by the hand and calmed his fury with his tears. At last he intreated that he might be sent to Mithridates. He said that Mithridates would either conclude a peace on Sulla's terms or else if he refused to sign those articles, he would either kill Mithridates, or else (for the Greek copies vary) kill himself. (Plutarch in Sulla, Dio. Legat. 34. or 35. Appian. p. 207.) 3920a AM, 4629 JP, 85 BC 4008. Six years before he died, Alexander Jannaeus, after he concluded a peace with Aretas, led an army against the neighbouring people and took the city Dia by storm. (Joseph. l. 13. c. 23.) 4009. Archelaus returned from Mithridates and met with Sulla at Philippi in Macedonia. He told him that everything happened as he wished and that Mithridates wanted to meet with him. Thereupon Sulla marched through Thracia to Cypsela and sent Lucullus who had come with his fleet to him before him to Abydos. Lucullus gave him a safe passage from the Chersonesses and helped him in transporting the army. (Plutarch in Sulla, & Lucullo. Appian. p. 207, 208.) 4010. Sulla met with Mithridates at Dardanus, a town of Troas. Mithridates had there with him, 200 ships with oars, 20,000 foot soldiers and 600 cavalry and a number of chariots armed with scythes. Sulla had 4 regiments of foot soldiers and 200 cavalry. Both of them went aside to talk in the field with a small retinue while each army looked on. Mithridates came to him and reaching out his right hand. Sulla asked him, whether he would accept a peace on Archelaus' conditions? The king demurred for a while and each of them hurled complaints and accusations at each other. Finally, Mithridates was frightened by Sulla's passionate speeches and consented to those articles of peace which were offered to Archelaus. After this, Sulla greeted him. He embraced and kissed him. (Memnon, c. 37. Plutarch, in Sulla, Dio. Legat. 35. or 36. Appian. p. 208, 209, 210.) 4011. The articles of peace were these. Mithridates would be content with what was his father's kingdom in Pontus and would not have anything to do with Asia or Paphlagonia. He would release all commanders, delegates, prisoners, renegades, fugitives, the Chians and any he had carried away as captives with him from the cities into Pontus. He would give the Romans 70 or (as Memnon has it) 80 ships, pointed with brass, with all their equipment. Lastly, the cities which were now under the Roman jurisdiction, would not be questioned for defecting to the Romans. However shortly after, the Romans brought many of them under slavery and bondage, contrary to the tenor of the articles for peace. (Memnon, Plutarch in Sulla & Dio transcribing Plutarch, Legat. 33. or 34. Appian. p. 207. Livy l. 83. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. c. 23.) Thus was the first Mithridatic war which began 4 years earlier was ended by Sulla. In less than three years time, Sulla killed 160,000 of the enemy, recovered Greece, Macedonia, Ionia, Asia and various other countries which Mithridates had captured. He took the king's fleet and confined the king himself to his father's kingdom. (Appian. l. 1. Bell. Civil. p. 396. cum Mithridatic. p. 206. & 209. & 210.) The most remarkable thing about Sulla was his discipline. Although Canna and Marius' factions were in Italy for 3 years yet Sulla did not conceal his intention of coming against them to fight them. Nor did he lay aside the business he had now in hand. He thought it best to first crush the enemy and then to avenge a citizen; first to secure from fear abroad by defeating a foreigner and later to repress a rebellion at home. (Velles. Patercul. l. 2. c. 24. cf. Plutarch in Collat. Sulla & Lysandri.) 4012. Mithridates surrendered his ships to Sulla with 500 archers with other things required in the covenant. He sailed with the remainder of his ships into his father's kingdom to Pontus. (Memnon. ut supra. Strabo. l. 13. p. 594. Plutarch, and out of him Dio. Legat. 36. or 37. Appian. p. 210.) Sulla saw that this peace did not sit well with the soldiers. They were grieved to see the king sail away out of Asia who was the most bitter enemy they had and who had slain in one day, so many thousands of Roman citizens who lived in Asia. He left with his treasure and the spoils he had got in the war from Asia which he had almost exhausted for some years by plunder and force. Sulla cleared himself by telling them that he was glad to be rid of Mithridates on any condition for fear he should have joined with Fimbria. If he had done that Sulla would be too weak to fight with both of them. (Plutarch and Dio. ibid.) 4013. From there, Sulla moved within a quarter mile of Fimbria who camped about Thyatira. Sulla demanded him to turn over the armies to him since he assumed that command illegally. Fimbria replied stoutly that he did not take orders from Sulla. Thereupon Sulla laid siege and began to make his trench. Fimbria's soldiers came running from their garrison to greet Sulla's men and were very helpful to them in making the trench, (Plutarch ibid. Appian. p. 210. Oros. l. 6. c. 2.) 4014. Fimbria was taken back by the sudden change and assembled the rest of the soldiers and desired them to by loyal to him. When they absolutely refused to fight against their fellow citizens, he tore his garment and shook everyone of them by the hand. He begged them not to desert him. When that did not prevail and when he saw very many were stealing away to the enemy, he went to the colonel's tents. He bribed some of them and then summoned the soldiers again and pressed upon them an oath of allegiance. When the Venetians cried out that every soldier ought to be called by name to the oath, he ordered the crier to name only those were bribed first. Nonius was called who had been his accomplice in all villainous attempts and refused to swear. Fimbria drew his sword at him and threatened to kill him but was glad to stop because the soldiers by a common shout resented that action. (Appian. p. 210.) 4015. After this, Fimbria bribed a slave with money and hopes of his freedom. He was to go to Sulla's camp and pretend as if he had been a renegade and there to stab Sulla. His heart began to fail him in the task and Sulla suspected that by his trembling he came with no good intentions. Thereupon he laid hold on him, and the slave confessed the whole business. This filled Sulla's army with anger and scorn. Those who were standing about Fimbria's trench, called him Athenio by way of reproach. This was the name of the one who was king for a few days over the slaves in Sicily. (Appian. p. 210.) 4016. When Fimbria saw that this plot had failed, he gave up all hope. He fled to a strong fort and from there invited Sulla to a talk. Sulla would not go himself but sent Rutilius in his place. This went to Fimbria's heart that Sulla would not come to him. This was never to be denied even to common enemies. He had craved pardon because of his immaturity. Rutilius replied that Sulla was willing to pardon him if he should pass safely to the sea side on the condition he would leave Asia (of which he was the proconsul) to Sulla and sail away. Fimbria told him he knew a better way than that. He returned to Pergamos and went into Esculapius' temple. He stabbed himself with his sword. When he found the wound was not mortal, he asked his servant to kill him. This he did and then he killed himself. Sulla gave his body to be buried by his chief servants. (Appian p. 211. cf. Livy l. 83. Vellei Patercul. l. 2 c. 24. Plutarch in Sulla Aurel. Victor. de vir. illustribus c. 70. & Oros. l. 6. c. 2.) 4017. Fimbria's army came and offered their services to Sulla. He entertained them and added them to his own troops. Soon after, he sent Cuno with a command to establish Nicomedes and Ariobarzanes in their kingdoms. He sent also a full account of all the events to the senate and took no notice at all that they had declared him an enemy to the state. (Appian. p. 211.) 3920 AM, 4630 JP, 84 BC 4018. Sulla rebuilt Troy which was destroyed by Fimbria. (Oros. l. 6. c. 2. cf. Strabo. l. 13. p. 594.) He also settled the affairs of the province of Asia, enfranchised the Trojans, Chians, Rhodians, Lycians, Magnesians and various other people. He enrolled them among the allies of the people of Rome either as remuneration for their help in the wars or to cheer them up after those great calamities which they had undergone from their loyalty to Romans. He sent his soldiers to all other towns to proclaim that all slaves who had received their freedom from Mithridates must return immediately to their masters. This edict was slighted by many and many cities revolted because of it. Many slaves and free born were killed on various occasions. The walls of many towns in Asia were demolished and some of the inhabitants were sold. Any men or city that were found to be for the Cappadocians, were severely fined. The Ephesians were especially punished who through scorn had taken down from their temples the Roman offerings. (Appian, p. 211.) 4019. After all was peaceful again, criers were sent throughout the province to summon the leaders of all the cities in Asia to come to Sulla at Ephesus on a set day. When they met together, Sulla made a speech to them from the judgment seat. He told them how well the Romans had helped the Asians and what a poor response the Asians had given. At the end of his speech, he pronounced this sentence on them. ``I fine you a whole five years of tribute which I charge you presently to pay down to the last penny. Moreover, you shall disburse the money spent on this war and what other sum the present state and condition of the province shall require. I shall lay the tax on the cities proportionally and appoint a time for the payment. Any who default on this, I shall consider as enemies.'' 4020. After he said this, he distributed the fine by portions to the lieutenants and assigned persons also to collect it. (Appian p. 212, 213.) For that reason, he divided Asia into 44 regions which Cassindius mentions in his chronicle. This happened when L. Cinna was consul for the 4th time and Cn. Papyrias was consul for the 2nd time. Cicero in his first epistle of his first book and Q. Frateus confirmed that this tribute was imposed on all parts alike. Likewise does Sulla in his speech Flaccus says that he laid it proportionally upon all the cities of Asia. 4021. Plutarch writes that Sulla besides this fine of 20,000 talents which he levied from the whole, he annoyed various ones of them by quartering his insolent and unruly soldiers in their private houses. He ordered every landlord to pay to a soldier quartered in his house, 16 drachmas a day. He was to provide him his supper as well as for any friends he brought along to supper. A captain was to have 50 drachmas a day and two suits of clothes. One was to wear at home and another outside. (Plutarch in Sulla.) Lucullus was in charge of collecting the general tax of 20,000 talents and of coining the money. This seemed a relief to the cities of Asia from Sulla's hard usage. Lucullus always behaved himself in an harmless and upright manner and dealt with them mercifully and mildly. This was befitting the sad state of affairs that Asia was in. (Plutarch. in Lucullo.) 4022. The cities were extremely impoverished and up to their ears in debt. Some sold their theatres to the loan sharks, others their places of receipt, or their citadels, or their ports, or something which belonged to the public. The soldiers were very harsh with them and pressed them for their money. After payment was made, they carried the money to Sulla. Asia in the meanwhile bemoaned its sad state. (Appian. p. 213.) 4023. At this same time, the pirates were busy in all parts of Asia. They appeared so publicly as if they had been so many legal fleets. They were first put to sea by Mithridates, who was likely to loose all he had gotten in those parts, hence he resolved to do what mischief he could. Now they had increased to so large a number that they were dangerous to ships and threatened the ports, citadels and towns. It is certain that Jassus, Samur, Clazomenae and Samothrace were taken when Sulla stayed in these regions. It is generally reported that they took out of the temple at Samothrace many ornaments estimated to be valued at 1000 talents. Sulla did nothing, either because he thought these places were unworthy of his protection because they had behaved basely toward him or because he hurried to Rome to settle the civil disorders. Hence Sulla sailed to Greece. (Appian p. 213.) 4024. Sulla offered to take P. Rutilius Rufus home to Rome. He had lived as an exile at Mitylene. He refused and stayed in banishment lest he might do anything which was not legal. Rufus moved to Smyrna. (Valer. Maxim. l. 6. c. 4. Seneca, epistle 24. Quintilian l. 11. c. 1. Dio in Excerpt. Vales. p. 638.) He was made a free citizen of that city (Cicero, pro Bibli.) and there spent his years in study. (Oros. l. 5. c. 17.) He could never be persuaded to return home to his country, (Dio in Excerpt. Vales. p. 636.) Seneca (de providentia, c. 3.) said of him: ``Is Rutilius to be looked on as unfortunate because those that condemned him will plead his cause in all ages? Because he was more contented to allow himself to be expelled from his country than to part with his banishment? Because he only of all the rest, dared to deny Sulla the dictator something and when he was called home not only would not come back, but went farther away?'' 4025. Ovid (Pent. l. 1. Elea. 4.) said: Et grave magnanimi robur mirate Rutili, Non cui reditus conditione dati: Smyrna vitum tenuit-------- Rutilius his fortitude admire, Who being called home, had rather still retire; In banishment at Smyrna than return; For Sulla's proffer he alone did scorn. 4026. Alexander, son of Ptolemy Alexander, previous king of Egypt fled from Mithridates. He was turned over by the Chians to Sulla who entertained him and had him as a close friend. Alexander went along with Sulla from Asia into Greece and from there to Rome, (Appian. l. 1. Bell. civil. p. 414. Porphyr. in Grac. Euseb. Scaliger, p. 225. fin.) 4027. Alexander Jannaeus led his army against Essa or Gerasa, where Theodorus, son of Zeno, had stored everything he had of greatest value. After he had surrounded the place with a triple wall, he finally captured it. (Joseph. l. 13. Antiq. c. 23. cf c. 21. & l. 1. Bell. c. 3, 4.) 4028. L. Muraena with the two Fimbrian (or Valesian) legions, was left behind by Sulla to arrange matters in Asia. (Appian. p. 213.) Julius Exuperantius says this concerning Sulla: ``He left Muraena, his lieutenant over the province and appointed him over the Valesian soldiers whose loyalty to the civil wars he was unsure of. With the other part of the army he marched away to suppress the Marian faction which had revolted.'' 4029. That author wrote this passage as happening before Sulla started the war with Mithridates. At that time there was no Valesian or Fimbrian legions. These did not exist until after the war was ended. 4030. L. Lucullus was left as governor in Asia with Munaera the praetor. He behaved so discreetly while he had the command of the province, that he got much credit for it. (Cicero in Lucullo.) Lucullus was kept busy in Asia and was not involved in the fighting of Sulla and Marius in Italy. (Plutarch. in civil. Vita.) 4031. Sulla sailed with his fleet from Ephesus and arrived the 3rd day at Pyraeeum. After he had performed his religious duties, he went to the library of Apellicon the Teian who had many rare books of Aristotle and Theophrastus. (Plutarch in Sulla.) Apellicon was rich and had purchased Aristotle's library and many other good libraries beside. He got also into his hands by stealth from Metroum, the temple of the Phrygian goddess, the originals of the decrees which were published by their ancestors. From other cities he gathered whatever was either ancient or secret and valued as a rarity. (Athenaus, l. 5. c. 1. ex Posidon. Apameno.) For all this, he was a person who was more enamoured with the sight of the books than the study of them. He had purchased for a large sum of money from the heirs of Nileus Scepsius, the books of Aristotle and Theophrastus. Many were spoiled by water and were worm eaten. He repaired those places which were eaten out and he transcribed the books again. He supplied the missing passages as best he could so that the books he had were full of errors. When he died, Sulla took his library (Strabo, l. 13. p. 609.) and enriched his own library at Rome with it. (Lucian. in l. adversus indoctum.) 4032. Mithridates returned to Pontus and quickly subdued many of those countries which had revolted from him when he was in his low estate. (Memnon, c. 37.) He started with the Colchi. When they saw him marching toward them, they desired that his son Mithridates might be appointed king over them. As soon as this was done, they returned to their obedience. The king was jealous that his son's ambition was the cause of that action and recalled him. He bound him with chains of gold for a while and not long after this he killed him. Thus was in spite of the outstanding service he had done for him in Asia against Fimbria. (Appian, in Mithridatic. p. 213, 214.) 4033. When Sulla was at Athens, he became sick and his feet numb. Hence he sailed to Adipsus and he used the hot baths there. He passed his time watching stage plays. (Plutarch in Sylla.) 3921a AM, 4630 JP, 84 BC 4034. Sulla arrived with his army at Brundusium, in the 174th Olympiad. (Appian. Bell. Civil. l. 1. p. 401.) when L. Scipio and C. Corbanus were consuls. (Livy l. 83. Julius Obsequens deprodigiis, Eutroplus, l. 5.) He returned into Italy, on the 4th year after leaving and not after the 5th year, as Julius Obsequens stated. 4035. When the Thebans revolted from Ptolemy Lathurus, he waged war against them. (Pausan. in Attic. p. 8.) 4036. L. Lucullus was very desirous to have the Mitylenians, who had publicly revolted from Sulla, to acknowledge their fault and to submit to some easy punishment for following Manius. When he saw they grew more furious with this suggestion, he attacked them with his fleet and defeated them. They were forced to retire within their walls. While he attacked the town in the daytime he sailed in plain view toward Elea. He came back again secretly in the night and after he cast anchor, he placed an ambush near the city. The Mitylenians came rushing from the town in great disorder and very furiously. They intended to seize the enemy camp because they thought the enemy had deserted it. Lucullus attacked them before they knew what happened and captured a large number of prisoners. He killed any that resisted and led away 6000 as slaves and took with him much plunder. (Plutarch in Lucullo.) 4037. Mithridates provided a fleet and a large army to go against the Bosphoranes, who had revolted from him. The preparation he made was so considerable, that most thought (as Cicero intimates, in Oration prolege Manilia) he never intended to make use of it against the Bosphorans but against the Romans. For he had not surrendered to Ariobarzines the whole of Cappadocia but kept some places of it for himself. He also suspected that Archelaus when he was in Greece, had granted more to Sulla than was fitting in the articles of peace. (Appian. in Mithridatic. p. 214.) Archelaus hurried away in fear to L. Murena and by his instigation prevailed with him to wage war on Mithridates before he did. (Appian in his Mithridatic). Archelaus defected to Sulla, whose deputy Murena was in Asia. (Dio l. 39.) Orosius stated (l. 6. c. 2.) that he and his wife and children defected to Sulla. Hence little credit in this matter should be give to Memnon, who stated that Archelaus stayed with Mithridates and stood with him in the last Mithridatic war. (See note on 3919 AM) 4038. L. Murena had a burning desire for a triumph and renewed the war with Mithridates. (Livy l. 86. Appian. in Mithridatic. p. 213.) He passed through Cappadocia and he invaded Comana, the largest city under Mithridates' command. It was famous for its religion and costly temple. He killed some of the king's cavaliers. (Appian. in his Mithridatic p. 214.) 4039. Mithridates sent ambassadors to Murena. These were Greek philosophers and rather condemned the king than commended him in their pleading the articles of peace concluded with Sulla. Murena denied that he ever saw any such covenants. Sulla never wrote any but was content with the performance of what was agreed on between them and so left the country. After this, Murena started plundering and not sparing the money which was consecrated for holy uses. He made his winter quarters in Cappadocia. He established the kingdom more securely for Ariobarzanes than ever it was and built the city, Ecinina, on the frontiers of Mithridates' kingdom. (Memnon p. 38. Appian. p. 214.) 3921b AM, 4631 JP, 83 BC 4040. There was a mutual enmity of the Seleucians among the Syrians of both the kings. The kingdom of Syria was quite exhausted by a futile war. Therefore the people looked to foreign kings for help. Some thought to ask for help from Mithridates, king of Pontus, others to invite Ptolemy from Egypt but thought better of it. Mithridates was engaged already in a war with the Romans and Ptolemy was always a professed enemy to Syria. Hence they decided on Tigranes, king of Armenia. In addition to his own strength at home, he was allied with the Parthians and with Mithridates. He was called into the kingdom of Syria and held it 18 years (Justin. l. 40. c. 1. & 2.) until the time that Pompey took it from him and added it to the Roman Empire. 4041. 14 of those 18 years, Magadates was over Syria with an army, as Tigranes' viceroy, until the time he was forced to march away with that army to help his king. After the defeat of Tigranes, the kingdom of Syria was given by Lucullus to Antiochus Asiaticus. (Appian. in Syriac. p. 118, 119 & 133.) In the interim, Antiochus Pius, the father to Asiaticus who was dispossessed by Tygranes of Syria as far as from the Euphrates River to the sea shore and by him dispossessed also of part of Cilicia. He stayed close for a while in another part of Cilicia which neither Tigranes nor the Romans meddled with. (Appian. in Mithridatic. p. 243. Justin. l. 40. c. 2.) His wife Selene with her two sons, reigned in Phoenicia and some other parts of lower Syria. (Josephus Antiq. l. 13 c. ult, Cicero in Verrem l. 4.) 4042. Mithridates sent both to the senate and to Sulla to complain of Murena, (Appian. p. 214.) He and Murena sent ambassadors to oppose each other and asked the Heraclians for supplies. They saw the dreadful power of the Romans on the one side and they feared the closeness of Mithridates on the other side. They told the ambassadors that in such a storm of war as this, it was all they could do to protect their homes much less help others. (Memnon. c. 38.) 4043. Alexander Jannaeus captured Gaulana and Seleucia. (Josephus, l. 13. c. 23.) 3922a AM, 4631 JP, 83 BC 4044. L. Murena crossed over the large Halys River when it was swollen by heavy rains and captured 400 of Mithridates' villages. The king did not oppose him since he expected the return of his ambassadors from Rome. When Murena thought he had obtained enough booty, he returned back again into Phrygia and Galatia. Callidius who was sent to Murena from Rome after Mithridates' complaints, gave him no decree of the senate. Instead he publicly denounced him that he should not molest the king who was a confederate with the Romans. After this, he took him aside and in the presence of others, talked with him privately. In spite of this, Murena continued to invade the frontiers of Mithridates. (Appian, p. 214, 215.) 3922b AM, 4632 JP, 82 BC 4045. Some advised Murena to invade Sinope and attempt to capture the king's palace. For once that was taken, the other places would be subdued without any difficulty. However, Mithridates had well fortified that place with garrisons and now started to take action. (Memnon . c. 38.) He ordered Gordius to attack the neighbouring villages, while he got together many cattle, wagons and countrymen as well as soldiers and camped on the other side of the bank, opposite to Murena's camp. Neither side fought until Mithridates had come with a larger army and then there was a bloody fight between them. The king crossed over the river in spite of Murena's fighting. He defeated Murena and forced him to retreat to a naturally fortified hill and to hurry quickly through the mountains to get to Phrygia. He lost many of his men in both the flight and the fight. (Appian. p. 215.) 4046. News of this so famous and quick victory spread quickly. When they heard the news, many sided with Mithridates. He drove out of Cappadocia, all of Murena's garrisons of soldiers and he made a great bonfire on the top of a high hill, after his country's custom. He offered sacrifices to Stratiw Dii, or to Jupiter, "powerful in war." (Appian. p. 215.) 3923a AM, 4632 JP, 82 BC 4047. L. Cornelius Sulla was appointed dictator so that he might restore the state to its ancient customs. He allowed M. Tullius and Cornelius Dolobella to be elected as consuls although he was in charge of everything and over them too. (Appian. l. 1. Bell. civil. p. 412.) In the beginning of their consulship he triumphed gloriously over King Mithridates (Eutrop l. 5.) February 3rd as it appears by the pieces of the marble on which the triumph was engraved. This day occurred in the Julian month of November. Although that triumph was very great in regard to the stateliness of it and rarity of the spoils they had taken from the king, yet it was made more excellent by the exiles. For the most eminent men and chief of the city wore crowns on their heads and attended Sulla's chariot. They called him their deliverer and their father since by his means they were brought back to their native country and had their wives and children restored to them. (Plutarch in Sulla.) 4048. There is one thing Sulla deserved commendation for. When he resigned the command in Asia, he rode in triumph, he did not have around him anyone from the towns belonging to the Romans, as he did of many cities in Greece and Asia. (Valer. Maximus, l. 8. c. 8.) Sulla transferred 30,000 pounds of gold and 7000 of silver to the treasury which his son C. Marius had brought after the burning of the capitol and other devoted places to Praeneste. He also the day before transferred all the other spoils of the victory 50,000 pounds of gold and 150,000 of silver. (Pliny l. 33. c. 1.) From this it is obvious that the triumph lasted for 2 days. 4049. After Alexander Jannaeus had subdued the valley, called Antiochus' valley and the fort Gamala, he put Demetrius as governor of those places beside his command there. He had received many accusations against him. At just the end of the third year of his expedition, he led his army home again. The Jews gave him a hearty welcome home for his good success. At this time the Jews kept many of the cities of the Syrians, Idumaeans and Phoenicians near the sea coast. These were the towns of Straton, Apollonia, Joppe, Jamnia, Azotus, Gaza, Anthedon, Raphia, Rhinocorura. In the Mediterranean region in the country of Idumaea, Adora, Mansia, Samaria the mountains also of Carmel and Itabyr. Besides these were Scythopolis, Gadara, Gaulanitis, Seleucia and Gabala. Some Moabite cities also were Essebon, Medeba, Lemba, Oronas, Telithon, Zara, Aulon of Cilicia and Pella. The last of which they demolished because the inhabitants refused to submit to the Jewish ceremonies. They occupied some other major cities of Syria which they recently annexed to their kingdom. (Joseph. l. 13. c. 23.) 4050. L. Cornelius Sulla, thought it was unjust that Mithridates a confederate of Rome should be bothered by war. He sent Aulus Gabinius to charge Murena in good earnest to stop fighting with Mithridates and that he should try to reconcile Mithridates and Ariobarzanes to each other. At that meeting, Mithridates had given his 4 year old son as an hostage to Ariobarzanes. This was under a pretence while he still retained part of Cappadocia which he had garrisoned. He made a general entertainment for the company. During this he offered a certain weight of gold to those that could win at drinking or eating, jeering, singing and other solemn sports: Everybody participated except Gabinius. (Appian. in Mithridatic. p. 215. 216.) 4051. Thus was the 2nd Mithridatic war ended in its 3rd year (Appian. in Mithridatic. p. 215. 216.) In this war, Murena had done much injury to Mithridates. He withdrew leaving Mithridates weaker but not crushed. Cicero said in his speech for Murena his son that he was a help to his father in his difficulties, a comfort in his labours and a rejoicer in his victories. Cicero (l. 1. against Vetres) stated that the people of Milesia on Murena's orders built 10 ships from the revenues of the people of Rome as well as taxes from various Asian cities. This fleet was to serve the Romans in all wars at sea. Asconius Pedianus noted this in the same book or the Oration against Vertes. 4052. L. Lucullus spent the time of his quaestorship in the peace of Asia, while Murena was waging war in Pontus. (Cicero in Lucullo.) 4053. Sulla recalled Murena from Asia. (Cicero prolege Manilia.) M. Thermus succeeded him in the praetorship of Asia. (Sucton in Julio, c. 2.) It is likely that Lucullus was recalled from his quaestership at the same time with Murena. We think this because he sat on the bench at Rome with Aquillus Gallus who was the judge in Quintius' case. Aukus Gellius (l. 15. c. 28.) and Hierom. (in Chronic.) said this was pleaded by Cicero in his 26th year when M. Tillius and Cn. Colobella were consuls. 3923b AM, 4633 JP, 81 BC 4054. As soon as Alexander Jannaeus had a little relief from wars, he became sick with a fever for 3 years. This was caused in part by his intemperance. In spite of this he kept up his military activities. (Joseph. l. 1. Bell. c. 4. & l. 13. Antiq. c. 23.) 4055. When L. Murena came to Rome he was given an honourable triumph. His son graced his triumph with some military presents. He had served under him while he was general and made his father's victory and triumph the only purpose in his fighting. (Cicero pro Murena.) 4056. Mithridates was now at peace and subdued the Bosphorus and appointed Machares, one of his sons, to be king over that country. (Appian. p. 216.) 4057. Molo, the rhetorician, came with ambassadors to the senate concerning the rewards for the Rhodians. He was the first of any strangers that had audience without an interpreter. He deserved that honour for the Roman's eloquence was indebted to him for that force and vigour which it had. At that time, Cicero studied under him (Cicero in Bruto. Valerius Manimus, l. 2. c. 2.) as he had done also some 6 years earlier. See note on 3917b <<3763>>. 4058. Julius Caesar was sent by M. Thermus as praetor of Asia. He sent to Bithynia to get the fleet and stayed a while with Nicomedes. It was rumoured that he had prostituted his chastity for the king's lust. The rumour was strengthened when he returned again to Bithynia in a very short time under the pretence of getting some money which was due to a certain free man who was one of his clients. (Sueton. in Julio. c. 2.) 4059. Whenever L. Cornelius Sulla found among the slaves a strong young fellow, he made him a free man. He freed more than 10,000 men and he called them Cornelians, after his name. His plan was that he might have the loyalty of at least 10,000 in the city among the common people to side with him in all emergencies. (Appian. l. 1 Bell. Civil. p. 413. & 416.) Servius (on the tenth of the Eneiods), thinks Polyhistor was one of those who were made free citizens by Sulla. Alexander Polyhistor lived in Sulla's time and was made free and surnamed Cornelius. Suidas in Alexandrwtw Milhsiw. confirms that he was named after his patron Cornelius Lentulus, to whom he was sold and whose schoolmaster he was. For Suidas calls this grammarian Crateris' scholar, Milesium whom Stephanus Byzantinus claimed to be the son of Aselepiades of Cotyaeum, a city in the lesser Phrygia and to have written 42 books about all kinds of things. Eusebius cites him (l. 9. Evangelic. Praparat. c. 17.) where also he cites many passages from the book which Polyhistor wrote about the Jews. 4060. After Ptolemy Lathurus had subdued the Thebans in the 3rd year of their revolt, he fined them so much that before this they were one of the richest cities in Greece but now they were among the poorest. Pausanias (in his Atticks, p. 8.) stated this as if it belonged to the Boeotian Thebes and not to the Egyptians. Whereas we have noted from Appian (Mithridatic, p. 190.) how that almost at the very same time in which the Thebans revolted from Ptolemy that greater Thebes of Boeotia, defected from Archelaus, Mithridates' general, to Sulla the Roman general. 4061. Ptolemy Lathurus, died not long after this, (Pausanias ut supra.) 6 years and 6 months after the death of his brother Philometor. His daughter Cleopatra succeeded him and was viceroy before with him. She was the wife of Ptolemy Alexander, who was the younger brother to Lathurus and had killed his mother. She only reigned for 6 months. (Porphyr. in Grac. Euseb. Scaliger. p. 225.) Pausanias stated that of all Lathurus' descendants, only Berenice was legitimate, (ut supra) and she died before his father. He bastard son, Ptolemy, seized the kingdom of Cyprus, Cleopatra and later her Novus Dionysius, or Auletes the kingdom of Egypt. It may be that the one whom Porphyrius calls Cleopatra is the same one whom Pausanias calls Berenice. 4062. Sulla sent Alexander back to Alexandria in Egypt to be their king. He was the son of that Ptolemy Alexander and he had killed his mother. He was a good friend of Sulla and accompanied him from Asia. There were no longer any male heirs and the women were forced to marry brothers blood for their husband. Sulla hoped by this to get a good stash of gold from that wealthy kingdom. (Appian. Bell. Civil. l. 1 p. 414.) 4063. When C. Julius Caesar captured Mitylene, he was rewarded by M. Thermus, with "corona civica", (Sueton in Julio c. 2.) Mitylene was demolished to the ground and it was the only city which fighting after Mithridates was defeated. (Livy l. 89.) So that noble city by the law of war and right of conquest, was brought under the jurisdiction of the people of Rome. (Cicero in Agraria. 2.) 3924 AM, 4634 JP, 80 BC 4064. After Alexander had lived with his new wife Cleopatra, queen of Egypt for 19 days, he killed her. (Porphyr. ut supr.) Appian wrote that this king was very domineering and insolent because he had the backing of Sulla. She was dragged out of his palace by the Alexandrians and killed in the place of exercise. It appears from Suetonius and Cicero that he reigned 15 years after the death of his wife. This refutes the common error of historians who begin the reign of Ptolemy Auletes here and confound his years with the years of Alexander. 4065. Mithridates made raids on the Achaeans who were the neighbours to the Colchians and were (as some think) descendants of those who returned from Troy. They came there when they lost their way. They had lost two thirds of their army, one part to an ambush and the other to the harshness of the weather. (Appian. p. 216.) 4066. When Mithridates returned home, he sent some to Rome to ratify the articles of the league between him and Sulla. Ariobarzanes also sent others, either voluntarily or by the instigation of others, to state that Cappadocia was not entirely controlled by him. Mithridates had kept back the larger part for himself. Mithridates was ordered by Sulla to leave Cappadocia before the articles should be ratified. (Appian p. 216.) 4067. After the province of Cilicia was established, Cn. Dolobella was sent there to be proconsul. Cicero stated that in addition to the 3 territories of Pamphylia, Isauric and Cilicia, were added 3 others in Asia. These were the Cibyntic, Synnadensian and Appameensean located in the regions of Phrygia, Pisidia, and Lycaonia. Dolobella brought along with him, C. Malleolus as his quaester and C. Verres as his lieutenant. When they came as far as Delos, Verres had some ancient images stolen at night and to be taken secretly from the temple of Apollo and put aboard one of the cargo ships. A violent storm suddenly struck and Dolobella could not possibly sail. He had much trouble even remaining at anchor in the harbour because the huge waves beat against the ships. The ship that carried the images was wrecked by the violence of the waves. The images of Apollo were found floating toward the shore. Dolobella ordered that they should be returned to the temple. After that the storm let up and Dolobella sailed from Delos. (Cicero act. 2. in Verrem, l. 1.) 4068. Verres carried away some very beautiful images from Chios, Erythrae and Halicarnasus. He took also from Tenedos, to the great grief of the city, the statue of Tenes which was also a beautiful work. It is said that Tenes built the city and the city was named after him. (Cicero act. 2. in Verrem, l. 1.) 4069. Verres requested Dolobella that he might be sent to the kings, Nicomedes of Bithynia and Sadala of Thrace, who were allies of the people of Rome. He came to Lampsacus in the Hellespont, where Rubrius, one of his pages attempted to bring to Verres the daughter of one Philodamus, a most eminent citizen. The Lampsacens were stirred up by Themistagoras and Thessalus and came in a crowd in the night to protect the virgin's chastity. In the resulting uproar, Cornelius, Verres' lictor, was killed and some of his servants including Rubrius received some injures. They had much trouble to prevent Verres' house from being burned. At Verres' request, Dolobella, turned over the the war to him which at that time was managed by Dolobella in Cilicia. Verres marched from that province into Asia and had C. Nero, who succeeded M. Thermus in the praetorship of Asia, that Philodamus and his son be beheaded after being judged. (Cicero act. 2. in Verrem, l. 1. cf. Asconius Pedianus upon the same.) 3925a AM, 4634 JP, 80 BC 4070. Charidemus, a ship captain at Chius, was ordered by Dolobella to accompany Verres' march from Asia. He came with him as far as Samos where Verres attacked the most ancient temple of Juno of Samos and carried from there the pictures and the images. The Samians went to the Chians and charged Charidemus with this sacrilege. However, he plainly showed it was not his doing but Verres' action. Thereupon, ambassadors came from Samos to C. Nero in Asia to complain about him. They were told that such complaints as these which concerned the Roman delegate should not be handled by the praetor but by the Roman senate. (Cicero act. 2. in Verrem, l. 1.) 4071. The Milesians had a fleet which by a treaty with the Romans, the Romans could make use of at any time. Verres demanded one of those ships to escort him to Myndus. They immediately sent him the best ship they had. As soon as Verres arrived at Myndus, he ordered the soldiers and the sailors to return to Miletum on foot by land and he sold the ship to L. Magius and L. Fannius. They had left Marius' army and came to live at Myndus but later they sided with Sertorius and Mithridates. The captain of the ship told what Verres had done and the Milesians had a declaration to be entered into the public registry. However, Cn. Dolobella, by Verres' request, did his best to have the captain and they that made the declaration punished. In addition, he ordered that the declaration be removed from the records. (Cicero act. 2. in Verrem, l. 1. cf. Asconius Pedianus upon him.) 4072. C. Malleolus, C. Dolobella's quaester, was killed in the war. Verres immediately assumed the office of quaester from Dolobella. When he had that office, he began to steal Asia's wealth. (Cicero act. 2. in Verrem, l. 1.) 3925b AM, 4635 JP, 79 BC 4073. When the provinces were assigned to the consuls, Cilicia was given to Servilius and Macedonia to Appius. Claudius Servilius went to Tarentum to visit his colleague who was sick. He journeyed to the city of Corycum, (Salust. Histora. l. 1. apud Priscian. l. 15.) and was ordered to go to subdue the pirates. Under the leadership of Isidorus, they sailed about in the adjacent sea, between Crete, Cyrene, Achaia and the creek of Malea. From the plunder they got, the sea was called the Golden Sea. (Flor. l. 3. c. 6.) Julius Caesar served under Servilius for a very short time (Sueton. in Julio, c. 3.) and L. Flaccus was the tribune of the soldiers. (Cicero pro Flacco.) 4074. Cn. Dolobella was recalled home from his province of Cilicia and accused of extortion at Rome by a young man, M. Emilius Scaurus. He was condemned and sent away into banishment. The amount was estimated at 3 million sesterces based on this. His quaester C. Verres had exacted more than was required from the cities of Lycia, Pamphylia, Pisidia, and Phrygia in grain, hides, fur clothes, sacks and such wares. He did not receive the goods but demanded money for them. Verres was the main witness against him. For Verres was unwilling to give account of his lieutenantship and his questorship until such time that Dolobella, who was the only one who knew his faults, was condemned and bannished. (Cicero, act. 2. in Verre l. 1. Vid. Piphis Annal. Rom. tom. 3. p. 280, 281. & 286. 287.) 3926a AM, 4635 JP, 79 BC 4075. Alexander Jannaeus died in the garrisons from his fever and exhausion from his battles. He reigned 27 years. At that time, he was besieging Ragaba citadel which is located beyond Jordan. On his death bed, he advised his wife Alexandra, to hide his death for a while from the soldiers and that after she returned victorious to Jerusalem, she should give the Pharisees a little more freedom than normal. The Pharisess had a large influence on the Jews, when they wanted to, either as a friend or as an enemy. The common people placed much confidence in them, though they were prone through envy to impeach any man. Alexander was disliked by the Jews because he had offended the Pharisees. Therefore, he persuaded her that she should yield that they might have his funeral and that she would not do anything in matters of government without their knowledge and approval. Hence he would receive an honourable burial and she and her son would reign without problems. (Joseph l. 1. Bell. Judaic. c. 4. & l. 13. Antiq. c. 23. cf. l. 20. c. 8.) 3926b AM, 4636 JP, 78 BC 4076. Queen Alexandra, also called Selena by ecclesiastical writers, captured the citadel of Ragaba. She did everything her husband requested. She let the Pharisees make the funeral arrangements and control the kingdom. Thereby she made them her friends who before were her worst enemies. The Pharisees assembled the common people and made a speech to them. They praised the famous exploits of Alexander and bemoaned what a good king they had lost. They so affected the people that they all grieved in their hearts and cried. No king before him had such a stately funeral. (Joseph. Antiq. l. 13. c. 24.) 4077. When Alexander was dying, he made his will. He left the administration of the kingdom to his wife Alexandra and also the election of the high priest to her discretion. She declared Hyrcanus, her oldest son, as high priest. She did not do this because he was the oldest but he was quite pliable and would not threaten her power in any way. Her younger son, Aristobulus, was quite content to live as a private citizen and he had a more fiery disposition than his brother. She governed the kingdom for 9 years, while her son Hyrcanus held the high priesthood. She was very gracious with the people because of the favour she was in with the Pharisees and she seemed to be greatly troubled by her husband's excesses. She was a queen in name only for the Pharisees managed all the state affairs. The people were expressly charged to obey them. So that, she restored all the laws which Hyrcanus her father-in-law had set aside that were made by the Pharisees according to the traditions of their elders. The Pharisees ordered the recall of all the exiles and for the release of prisoners. She managed some things and directly maintained a large number of mercenary soldiers. She increased her strength so much that she was a formidable force to the neighbouring princes and took hostages from them. (Josephus Antiq. l. 13. c. 24. cf. l. 26. c. 8. & l. 1. Belli. c. 4.) 4078. Mithridates restored all Cappadocia to Ariobarzanes according to Sulla's orders. After this he sent embassies to Rome to get the articles of the peace to be ratified. (Appian. p. 216.) 4079. When M. Lepidus, and Q. Catulus were consuls, Sulla died. (Livy l. 90. Appian. l. 1. Bell. Civil. p. 416.) He finished the 22nd book of his commentaries, two days before his death. He said that the Chaldeans had foretold to him that after he had lived very splendidly for a while, he would die in the height of his greatness. (Plutarch in Sulla.) He bequeathed in his will his commentaries to Lucullus. On his death bed, he appointed him as the guardian to his son and did not appoint Pompey. This was thought to be the cause of the animosity between Pompey and Lucullus in the desire for greatness. (Plutarch in Lucullo.) 4080. M. Cicero had been 6 months at Athens with Antiochus Ascalonita. He was a most famous and wise philosopher of the ancient academies and along with Demetrius Syrus, a well experienced and extaordinary orator. When Cicero heard of Sulla's death, he sailed into Asia and travelled across that country. He exercised his gift of oratory with the best orators in those parts. The best of them were, Menippus a Stratonician (surnamed Catocas of Caria) Dionysius Magnes, Aeschylus a Cnidian and Xenocles an Adramyttean. (Cicero in Bruto, & Plutarch in Cocerone cf. Strabo l. 13. p. 614. & l. 14. p. 660. and with Diogenes Latertius in Menippo.) 4081. At the same time, a certain woman of Miletum was sentenced to death, for she had induced an abortion by some medicines. She was paid to do this by those who were the second heirs of her estate. She got what she deserved for by that action she destroyed her hope of being a parent. Her name would not be carried on and she would not have the support of a son or daughter, the heir of a family and in all likelihood, a citizen of the state. (Cicero pro Aulo Cluentio.) 4082. P. Servilius, the proconsul, subdued Cilicia. He overwhelmed the pirates' lightly armed ships with his large warships and obtained a bloody victory over them. (Livy l. 90. Flor. l. 3. c. 6. Eutrop. l. 6.) He attacked Cilicia and Pamphylia with such force that he almost utterly destroyed them when he only wanted to subdue them. (Oros. l. 5. c. 23.) 4083. When Julius Caesar heard of the news of Sulla's death, he left Cilicia and returned quickly to Rome. (Sueton in Julio, c. 3.) 4084. When Sulla was dead, Mithridates heard nothing from the magistrates at Rome concerning his embassy he sent to the senate. The king bribed Tigranes, his son-in-law, to invade Cappadocia. The plot was not done that secretly since the Romans had an idea of what was going on. (Appian. in Mithridatic. p. 216.) Salust (l. 1 histor.) mentions L. Philippus, in a speech of his at that time before the senate against Lepidus. He said this: ``Mithridates lies at the borders of our revenues which while we yet enjoy, he is watching for an opportunity to make war on us.'' 3927a AM, 4636 JP, 78 BC 4085. Tigranes surrounded Cappadocia so none could escape from him. He brought away with him from there about 300,000 men and carried them into Armenia and gave them places with others to live. One place was the city where he was crowned king of Armenia called Tigranocerta, that is, the city of Tigranes. (Id. ibid.) He built that city between Iberia and Zugma, which lies near the Euphrates River and populated with those men he deported from the 12 cities of Greece which he had conquered. (Strabo, l. 11. p. 532.) In that city there was a number of Greeks who were driven out of Cilicia and many barbarians who shared the same fate as the Greeks. He resettled the Adiabenians, Assyrians, Gordyens and Cappadocians there after he had wasted their various countries. (Plutarch in Lucullo.) At this same time as he wasted Cappadocia with his raids, he drove the Mazacenians from their land. He deported them to Mesopotamia and populated the larger part of Tigranocerta with those inhabitants. (Strabo, l. 12. c. 539.) 4086. Geminus, an excellent mathematician, wrote his book of astronomy from which Proclus' Sphaere is taken. Geminus' book was written 120 years after the Egyptians celebrated the festival of Isia. This happened according to Eudoxus on the winter solstice or the 28th of December. (Strabo c. 6. See note on 3807a AM <<3012>>.) 3927b AM, 4637 JP, 77 BC 4087. When M. Cicero came to Rhodes, he studied under Molon whom he had previously heard at Rome. Molon was an excellent lawyer for honest causes and a good writer. He was also very discreet in correcting and noting faults and a wise instructor. In teaching Cicero, he did the best he could to keep Cicero on the right way and to repress in him his youthful licentiousness and excesses. (Cicero in Bruto.) 4088. At the same time Apollonius, a great teacher of oratory became famous. Strabo surnames him Mklakos, or "the soft", and others called him, Molo. This is the reason that some, including Quintilian (l. 12. c. 6.) confused him with the other Molon. They were both Alabandians from Caria and students of Menecles the Alabandsan. They both came from his school and practised their art at Rhodes. Molon came there later than the other and this was the reason why Apollonius named him like Homer, Osyimolan (Strabo, l. 14. p. 655, 660, 661.) Cicero always called one of them Molon and the other (l. 1. de oratore) he called Apollonius the Alabandian. M. Antonius is brought in speaking of him thus: ``For this one thing, I have always liked that famous teacher, Apollonius the Alabandian. Although he taught for money, yet he did not allow any whom he thought incapable of being made an orator, to waste their time with him but sent them home again. His custom was to exhort and persuade everyone to apply himself to that art whom he judged most fit and inclined to it.'' 4089. It is reported about Apollonius, that he was not well versed in Latin and he desired Cicero to speak in Greek. Cicero was satisfied with the request and thought that Apollonius would be better able to correct his mistakes. While others stood in amazement and admired Cicero and others strived to out do one another in praising him, Apollonius was noted not to look cheerfully anytime while Cicero was speaking. When he had finished speaking, Apollonius thought for a good time and looked as if he were musing and pensive. At last, when he knew that Cicero noted his behaviour he said: ``Truly, Cicero I commend and admire you. Yet I cannot but pity Greece's condition when I see that the only two things of value which were left to us, learning and eloquence, also should be by you carried away to the Romans.'' (Plutarch in Cicero.) 4090. Cicero heard Posidonius, the philosopher at Rhodes, as Plutarch stated and Cicero includes himself in those that were taught by him. (in l. 1. de natura Deorum, & l. de fato.) Posidonius was a philosopher of the Stoic sect and was born at Apamea in Syria. In time he was made a citizen of Rhodes. He was called a Rhodian. (Strabo, l. 14. p. 654. Athenaeus l. 6. c. 6.) However, Josephus wrote that Posidonius and Apollonius of Malon, or Molon (as it is written elsewhere) gave Apion the grammarian the material for those stories concerning the Jews and their temple. (l. 2. contra Apion, p. 1065.) By the name of the first, he means this Posidonius the Apamenian, Cicero's teacher in the Stoic philosophy, from the books of whose histories, we have quoted so many passages previously. By the name of the latter he means that Apollonius whom we spoke last of or rather that Molon his equal. Cicero (in his Bruto) stated that Molon was among the writers and by some he is deemed to be one and the same person with that Apollonius. 4091. P. Servilius, the proconsul in Cilicia, subdued some cities of the pirates. (Livy l. 93.) He demolished the city Isaura and destroyed many forts which the pirates held along the sea coast. Strabo says that he had seen Servilius. (l. 12. p. 568, 569. & l. 14. p. 665.) He took Lycia also and its cities of note. He besieged them and forced them to surrender. In addition, he roved all over the mountain of Olympus and levelled to the ground three large cities, Olympus, Phaselis and Corycum. He was the first of any Romans that led an army through the Taurus Mountains. He made it the end of his march and controlled the side of the mountains which faced Cilicia. He brought the Isauri who were quite worn out from the wars, under the power of the Romans. (Oros. l. 5. c. 23. cf. Florus, l. 3. c. 6. & Salust. l. 1. Histor. apud Priscianum l. 15. & Asconuis Pedianus, in 3. Verrinam & Eutropius. l. 6.) Cicero in his first and second Agraria, confirmed that the countries of the Attalians, Phaselians, Olympians, Agarenses, Orindians and Gedusians were added to the people of Rome by Servilius' victory. Cicero (in 40 contra Verrim l.) adds this passage particularly concerning Phaselis. Phaselis which P. Servilius took was not at first a city of Cilicians and thieves. The Lycians, who were Greeks, lived there. Since it had a good location and was so high and strong, the pirates who came from Sicily resorted there. The pirates were associated with that town, first by commerce, and later by an alliance. 3928 AM, 4638 JP, 76 BC 4092. L. Magius and L. Fannius were renegades from Fimbria's army and allied themselves with Mithridates. They persuaded him to ally himself with Sertorius who was then fighting to subdue a Spanish rebellion against the Romans. Mithridates sent these two men as his ambassadors with letters to Sertorius and promised him a supply of money and ships for the war and in return he wanted him to confirm all of Asia to him. Mithridates had surrendered Asia to the Romans according to the articles of peace between him and Sulla. 4093. The ambassadors came to Italy in that small ship which the Mindians bought from Verres. From there they hurried to get to Sertorius. The senate declared them as enemies to the state and ordered them to be apprehended. In spite of all that they came safely to Sertorius. He assembled his friends and called the meeting his senate. He would not allow those conditions although all the rest were favourable. He denied that he would ever give away Asia which Mithridates had unjustly taken from the Romans and Fimbria had recaptured in war. He referred back to the articles with Sulla which said Asia should never be under Mithridates' power again. Sertorius would allow Mithridates to keep Bithynia and Cappadocia, which had always been under his command and did not at all belong to the people of Rome. An alliance based on the following terms was concluded between them and confirmed by mutual oaths. Mithridates should supply Sertorius with 3000 talents and 40 ships. Sertorius in return should make him a grant of Cappadocia and Bithynia. (In addition Appian adds, Paphlagonia and Galatia and even all Asia.) Sertorius should send him a general and soldiers. Sertorius sent to Asia, M. Marius as a general for Mithridates. (Appian calls him, Varius.) He was one of the banished senators. He sent with him Lucius Magius and Lucius Fannius to be his advisers. They sailed from Dianiusm, a sea town of Spain and arrived at Sinope in Pontus where Mithridates was. When they told the king that Sertorius had denied him Asia, the king said to his friends: ``What will Sertorius sitting in his palace demand after this? Although he is as far away from us as the Atlantic Ocean, he thinks he can set the boundaries of our kingdom and denounce us if we should attempt to recapture Asia?'' 4094. In spite of all this, Marcus Marius made a league with him agreeable to Sulla's peace treaty. The king kept Marius with himself and in a very short time made him a general in the place of Archelaus who had deserted him and defected to Sulla. (Cicero, pro lege Manilia. & pro Murena, item. act. in Verrem, l. 1. cf. Asconius Pedianus in eundem. Livy l. 93. Plutarch in Sertorio. Appian in Mithridatic. p. 216, 217. Oros. l. 6. c. 2.) 4095. The capitol was rebuilt which was destroyed 7 years earlier by fire along with the books of Sibylla. C. Curio, the consul, asked the senate that some ambassadors should be sent to Erythrae, who were to get the Sibylla's verses again and bring them to Rome. P. Gabinius, M. Otacillius and L. Valerius were sent on that errand. They got those verses transcribed by private hands and brought them to Rome. Curio and Octavius, the consuls, stored them in the capitol which was repaired again by Q. Catulus. (Fenestella, quoted by Lactantius, l. 1. institut. c. 6. & l. de ira Dei c. 22.) Based on this account, Varro says that Etythrae's was believed to have written those books of the Sibylla which the Romans had copied. He thinks this because those verses were found on the island of Erythaea after Apollo's temple was burned where the books were normally kept. If we may credit Servius. (in Aeneid. 6.) For the temple which was burnt was not Apollo's but Jupiter Capitolinus' temple. After the temple was repaired, ambassadors were sent by order of the senate to Erythrae in Asia to get those verses transcribed. However those books which were afterward still extant and were brought to Rome. These came not only from Erythrae but also they were procured from other Italian and Greek cities. In addition they were found in private men's libraries under whatever name the Sibylla's books went by. In these books were many things that were found to be suppositions. The differences in the books were called acrostics. This we determine from Varro's own books of divine things as related by Dionysius Halicarnasseus, (l. 4. Antiquit. Roman) and by Lactantius Firmianus. (l. 1. in Instit. c. 6.) Tacitus (l. 6. Annal.) declared that: ``Where the verses of Sibylla differed, the correct rendering was contended for in Samos, Troy, Erythrae and through all Africa, Sicily and the Italian colonies. The priests were responsible to take all the care that mortal men could take, to discover the true from the false.'' 4096. Pliny (Natural History, l. 2. c. 35.) stated that in the time when Cn. Octavius and Cn. Scribonius Curio were consuls, Licinius Syllanus proconsul and his company saw a spark fall from a star. It increased in size as it came nearer the earth and became as large as the moon and gave off as much light as if it had been a cloudy day. When it went up toward the heaven again it grew into the shape of a lamp. Since Syllanus is not a Roman surname, Pigvius thought that instead of Licinius Syllanus in Pliny it should be L. Junius Syllanus. Junius, who about this time, was sent with the authority of a proconsul into Asia to replace Cn. Nero, with his company and may have been eye witnesses of this sign. 3929a AM, 4638 JP, 76 BC 4097. Nicomedes King of Bithynia died without any descendants and gave his kingdom to the people of Rome in his will. Thereupon his kingdom was reorganised into a province. (Livy l. 93. Vellei. Patercul. l. 2. c. 4. & 39. Appian. l. 1. Bell. Civil. p. 420, & Mithridatic. p. 175. & 218.) Concerning this, Mithridates' complaint about the Romans in a letter to Arsaces said this: (l. 4. Salust. histor.) ``After Nicomedis was dead, they rifled all Bithynia, notwithstanding his son Musa whom he made king and was beyond all question alive then.'' 4098. In the same year, which ended the 176th Olympiad, the Romans added Cyrene to their empire. Ptolemy Apion, its king and who was of the family of Lagidarus, bequeathed it to the Romans. (Appian in his 1. l. bell. civil. p. 420.) Appian adding at the end of books on the Mithridatics, that this king was a bastard of the family of the Lagi. Appian showed that he was the same person as Justin related (l. 39. c. 5.) to be the son of a courtesan and who turned over Cyrene to the Romans. However he added that part of Lybia was made a province whereas we have learned before from Livy (See note on 3908 AM <<3700>>) that after Ptolemy Apion's death, the senate of Rome enfranchised all the cities of the kingdom of Cyrene. It seems at that time, they may have received their grant of freedom but now were established as a province. At that time: ``Ptolemy, the king of Cyrene on his death bed, made the Romans his heirs in his will in the first year of the 171st Olympiad.'' 4099. After this: ``Lybia was left to the Romans as a legacy by King Apion.'' 4100. This was in the 4th year of the 178th Olympiad, as Hierom has noted. (in Chronico Eusebiano.) This was almost 11 years later than Appion's accounts here require. Eutropius has related this very thing 9 years later at the time of Caecilius Metellus' Cretian triumph. At that time, (as he says in the sixth of his Breviary) he stated" ``Lybia also was annexed to the Roman empire by the last will of Apion, who was its king. Berenice, Ptolemais and Cyrene, were its largest cities.'' 4101. Jornandes, (in l. de regn. & tempor. succes.) wrote about this matter. ``Lybia, that is to say, all Pentapolis was granted to the Romans by that first Ptolemy. It later rebelled and in Apion's last will it was given to the people of Rome.'' 4102. Before him, Sixtus Rufus in his Breviary stated: ``We were beholden to Ptolemy the elder's bounty for Cyrene and the other cities of Lybia's Pentapolis. Lybia came to be ours by King Apion's last will and testament,'' 4103. Ammianus Marcellinus followed him. ``We obtained the dryer parts of Lybia by King Appian's last will. Ptolemy gave us Cyrene and the other cities of Lybia's Pentapolis.'' 4104. The learned Valerius noted on this event, who explained this history. He denied that there were two Ptolemy Apions. In addition Cicero (in 2 Agrarias) mentioned the ``Cyrenian lands which were Apion's.'' 4105. Cornelius Tacitus (Annal. l. 14.) stated: ``The land which was once King Apion's and by him bequeathed to the people of Rome together with his kingdom.'' 4106. The remainder of this summer, and the whole winter following, Mithridates spent in preparation for war against the Romans. He cut timber, built ships and made arms. (Appian in Mithridatic. p. 217.) He reduced his forces to the minimum and he sent away the rabble from the multitudes. The barbarians stole all weapons that were guilded and set with precious stones. Mithridates replaced these with swords similar to the Roman ones and made good substantial shields. He assembled a well managed and experienced cavalry rather than those who were neat and handsome. In addition, he built ships that were not guilded with Cabbius guild or baths for courtesans or delicate rooms to keep his women in but were equipped with arms, arrows and money. (Plutarch in Lucullo.) He carried to sea 200 myriads of Medimna's of grain. He had forces readily available in addition to his old forces: Chalibians, Armenians, Scythians, Taurians, Acheians, Heniochians, Lencosyrians and those who live near the Thermodoon River and were commonly called the land of the Amazons. His old forces came to him from Asia. He had supplies also from beyond sea from Europe, Sarmatians, Basilians, Jazygians, Corallians, Thracians and all the nations which lived around the Ister River and the mountains of Rhodope and Aemus. The Basternians also helped him who were the most gallant men and bravest of them all. (Appian in Mithridatic. p. 217.)