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			 THE EIGHTH CENTURY IN ISRAEL 
			THE long life of Elisha fell to its rest on the 
			margin of the eighth century. He had seen much evil upon Israel. The 
			people were smitten in all their coasts. None of their territory 
			across Jordan was left to them; and not only Hazael and his Syrians, 
			but bands of their own former subjects, the Moabites, periodically 
			raided Western Palestine, up to the very gates of Samaria. {2Ki 
			10:32; 2Ki 13:20; 2Ki 13:22} Such a state of affairs determined the 
			activity of the last of the older prophets. Elisha spent his life in 
			the duties of the national defense, and in keeping alive the spirit 
			of Israel against her foes. When he died they called him "Israel’s 
			chariot and the horsemen thereof," {2Ki 13:14} so incessant had been 
			both his military vigilance (2Ki 6:12 ff., etc.), and his political 
			insight (2 Kings 8, etc.). But Elisha was able to leave behind him 
			the promise of a new day of victory (2Ki 13:17 ff.). It was in the 
			peace and liberty of this day that Israel rose a step in 
			civilization; that prophecy, released from the defense, became the 
			criticism, of the national life; and that the people, no longer 
			absorbed in their own borders, looked out, and for the first time 
			realized the great world, of which they were only a part. 
			 
			King Joash, whose arms the dying Elisha had blessed, won back in the 
			sixteen years of his reign (798-783) the cities which the Syrians 
			had taken from his father. {2Ki 13:23-25} His successor, Jeroboam 
			II, came in, therefore, with a flowing tide. He was a strong man, 
			and he took advantage of it. During his long reign of about forty 
			years (783-743) he restored the border of Israel from the Pass of 
			Hamath between the Lebanons to the Dead Sea, and occupied at least 
			part of the territory of Damascus. This means that the constant 
			raids to which Israel had been subjected now ceased, and that by the 
			time of Amos, about 755, a generation was grown up who had not known 
			defeat, and the most of whom had perhaps no experience even of war. 
			 
			Along the same length of years Uzziah (circa 778-740) had dealt 
			similarly with Judah. {2 Kings 15; cf. 2 Chronicles 26} He had 
			pushed south to the Red Sea, while Jeroboam pushed north to Hamath: 
			and while Jeroboam had taken the Syrian towns he had crushed the 
			Philistine. He had reorganized the army, and invented new engines of 
			siege for casting stones. 
			 
			On such of his frontiers as were opposed to the desert he had built 
			towers: there is no better means of keeping the nomads in 
			subjection. 
			 
			All this meant such security across broad Israel as had not been 
			known since the glorious days of Solomon. Agriculture must 
			everywhere have revived: Uzziah, the Chronicler tells us, "loved 
			husbandry." But we hear most of Trade and Building. With quarters in 
			Damascus and a port on the Red Sea, with allies in the Phoenician 
			towns and tributaries in the Philistine, with command of all the 
			main routes between Egypt and the North as between the Desert and 
			the Levant, Israel, during those forty years of Jeroboam and Uzziah, 
			must have become a busy and a wealthy commercial power. Hosea calls 
			the Northern Kingdom a very Canaan-Canaanite being the Hebrew term 
			for trader-as we should say a very Jew; and Amos exposes all the 
			restlessness, the greed, and the indifference to the poor of a 
			community making haste to be rich. The first effect of this was a 
			large increase of the towns and of town-life. Every document of the 
			time-up to 720-speaks to us of its buildings. In ordinary building 
			houses of ashlar seem to be novel enough to be mentioned. Vast 
			palaces- the name of them first heard of in Israel under Omri and 
			his Phoenician alliance, and then only as that of the king’s 
			citadel-are now built by wealthy grandees out of money extorted from 
			the poor; they can have risen only since the Syrian wars. There are 
			summer houses in addition to winter houses; and it is not only the 
			king, as in the days of Ahab, who furnishes his buildings with 
			ivory. When an earthquake comes and whole cities are overthrown, the 
			vigor and wealth of the people are such that they build more 
			strongly and lavishly than before. {Isa 9:10} With all this we have 
			the characteristic tempers and moods of city-life: the fickleness 
			and liability to panic which are possible only where men are 
			gathered in crowds; the luxury and false art which are engendered 
			only by artificial conditions of life; the deep poverty which in all 
			cities, from the beginning to the end of time, lurks by the side of 
			the most brilliant wealth, its dark and inevitable shadow. 
			 
			In short, in the half-century between Elisha and Amos, Israel rose 
			from one to another of the great stages of culture. Till the eighth 
			century they had been but a kingdom of fighting husbandmen. Under 
			Jeroboam and Uzziah city-life was developed, and civilization, in 
			the proper sense of the word, appeared. Only once before had Israel 
			taken so large a step: when they crossed Jordan, leaving the nomadic 
			life for the agricultural; and that had been momentous for their 
			religion. They came among new temptations: the use of wine, and the 
			shrines of local gods who were believed to have more influence on 
			the fertility of the land than Jehovah who had conquered it for His 
			people. But now this further step, from the agricultural stage to 
			the mercantile and civil, was equally fraught with danger. There was 
			the closer intercourse with foreign nations and their cults. There 
			were all the temptations of rapid wealth, all the dangers of an 
			equally increasing poverty. The growth of comfort among the rulers 
			meant the growth of thoughtlessness. Cruelty multiplied with 
			refinement. The upper classes were lifted away from feeling the real 
			woes of the people. There was a well-fed and sanguine patriotism, 
			but at the expense of indifference to. social sin and want. 
			Religious zeal and liberality increased, but they were coupled with 
			all the proud’s misunderstanding of God: an optimist faith without 
			moral insight or sympathy. 
			 
			It is all this which makes the prophets of the eighth century so 
			modern, while Elisha’s life is still so ancient. With him we are 
			back in the times of our own border wars-of Wallace and Bruce, with 
			their struggles for the freedom of the soil. With Amos we stand 
			among the conditions of our own day. The City has arisen. For the 
			development of the highest form of prophecy, the universal and 
			permanent form, there was needed that marvelously unchanging mold of 
			human life, whose needs and sorrows, whose sins and problems, are 
			today the same as they were all those thousands of years ago. 
			 
			With Civilization came Literature. The long peace gave leisure for 
			writing; and the just pride of the people in boundaries broad as 
			Solomon’s own, determined that this writing should take the form of 
			heroic history. In the parallel reigns of Jeroboam and Uzziah many 
			critics have placed the great epics of Israel: the earlier documents 
			of our Pentateuch which trace God’s purposes to mankind by Israel, 
			from the creation of the world to the settlement of the Promised 
			Land; the histories which make up our Books of Judges, Samuel, and 
			Kings. But whether all these were composed now or at an earlier 
			date, it is certain that the nation lived in the spirit of them, 
			proud of its past, aware of its vocation, and confident that its 
			God, who had created the world and so mightily led itself, would 
			bring it from victory by victory to a complete triumph over the 
			heathen. Israel of the eighth century were devoted to Jehovah: and 
			although passion or self-interest might lead individuals or even 
			communities to worship other gods, He had no possible rival upon the 
			throne of the nation. 
			 
			As they delighted to recount His deeds by their fathers, so they 
			thronged the scenes of these with sacrifice and festival. Bethel and 
			Beersheba, Dan and Gilgal, were the principal; but Mizpeh, the top 
			of Tabor, {Hos 5:1} and Carmel, {1Ki 18:30} perhaps Penuel, {1Ki 
			12:25} were also conspicuous among the countless "high places" of 
			the land. Of those in Northern Israel Bethel was the chief. It 
			enjoyed the proper site for an ancient shrine, which was nearly 
			always a market as well-near a frontier and where many roads 
			converged; where traders from the East could meet halfway with 
			traders from the West, the wool-growers of Moab and the Judaean 
			desert with the merchants of Phoenicia and the Philistine coast. 
			Here, on the spot on which the father of the nation had seen heaven 
			open, a great temple was now built, with a priesthood endowed and 
			directed by the crown, {1Ki 12:25; Amos 7} but lavishly supported 
			also by the tithes and free-will offerings of the people. {Amo 4:4} 
			"It is a sanctuary of the king and a house of the kingdom." {Amo 
			7:13} Jeroboam had ordained Dan, at the other end of the kingdom, to 
			be the fellow of Bethel; {1Ki 12:25} but Dan was far away from the 
			bulk of the people, and in the eighth century Bethel’s real rival 
			was Gilgal. Whether this was the Gilgal by Jericho, or the other 
			Gilgal on the Samarian hills near Shiloh, is uncertain. The latter 
			had been a sanctuary in Elijah’s day, with a settlement of the 
			prophets; but the former must have proved the greater attraction to 
			a people so devoted to the sacred events of their past. Was it not 
			the first resting-place of the Ark after the passage of Jordan, the 
			scene of the reinstitution of circumcision, of the anointing of the 
			first king, of Judah’s second submission to David? As there were 
			many Gilgals in the land-literally "crom-lechs," ancient 
			"stone-circles" sacred to the Canaanites as well as to Israel-so 
			there were many Mizpehs, "Watch-towers," "Seers’ stations": the one 
			mentioned by Hosea was probably in Gilead. To the southern 
			Beersheba, to which Elijah had fled from Jezebel, pilgrimages were 
			made by northern Israelites traversing Judah. The sanctuary on 
			Carmel was the ancient altar of Jehovah which Elijah had rebuilt; 
			but Carmel seems at this time to have lain, as it did so often, in 
			the power of the Phoenicians, for it is imagined by the prophets 
			only as a hiding-place from the face of Jehovah. {Amo 9:13} 
			 
			At all these sanctuaries it was Jehovah and no other who was sought: 
			"thy God, O Israel, which brought thee up out of the land of Egypt." 
			{1Ki 12:28} At Bethel and at Dan He was adored in the form of a 
			calf; probably at Gilgal also, for there is a strong tradition to 
			that effect; and elsewhere men still consulted the other images 
			which had been used by Saul and by David, the Ephod and the Teraphim. 
			With these there was the old Semitic symbol of the Maccebah, or 
			upright stone on which oil was poured. All of them had been used in 
			the worship of Jehovah by the great examples and leaders of the 
			past; all of them had been spared by Elijah and Etisha: it was no 
			wonder that the common people of the eighth century felt them to be 
			indispensable elements of religion, the removal of which, like the 
			removal of the monarchy or of sacrifice itself, would mean utter 
			divorce from the nation’s God. 
			 
			One great exception must be made. Compared with the sanctuaries we 
			have mentioned, Zion itself was very modern. But it contained the 
			main repository of Israel’s religion, the Ark, and in connection 
			with the Ark the worship of Jehovah was not a worship of images. It 
			is significant that from this, the original sanctuary of Israel, 
			with the pure worship, the new prophecy derived its first 
			inspiration. But to that we shall return later with Amos. Apart from 
			the Ark, Jerusalem was not free from images, nor even from the 
			altars of foreign deities. 
			 
			Where the externals of the ritual were thus so much the same as 
			those of the Canaanite cults, which were still practiced in and 
			around the land, it is not surprising that the worship of Jehovah 
			should be further invaded by many pagan practices, nor that Jehovah 
			Himself should be regarded with imaginations steeped in pagan ideas 
			of the Godhead. That even the foulest tempers of the Canaanite 
			ritual, those inspired by wine and the sexual passion, were licensed 
			in the sanctuaries of Israel, both Amos and Hoses testify. But the 
			worst of the evil was wrought in the popular conception of God. Let 
			us remember again that Jehovah had no real rival at this time in the 
			devotion of His people, and that their faith was expressed both by 
			the legal forms of His religion and by a liberality which exceeded 
			these. The tithes were paid to Him, and paid, it would appear, with 
			more than legal frequency. {Amo 4:4 ff.} Sabbath and New Moon, as 
			days of worship and rest from business, were observed with a 
			Pharisaic scrupulousness for the letter if not for the spirit. {Amo 
			7:4; cf. 2Ki 5:23} The prescribed festivals were held, and thronged 
			by zealous devotees who rivaled each other in the amount of their 
			free-will offerings. {Amo 4:4 f.} Pilgrimages were made to Bethel, 
			to Gilgal, to far Beersheba, and the very way to the latter appeared 
			as sacred to the Israelite as the way to Mecca does to a pious 
			Moslem of today. If Yet, in spite of all this devotion to their God, 
			Israel had no true ideas of Him. To quote Amos, they sought His 
			sanctuaries, but Him they did not seek; in the words of Hosea’s 
			frequent plaint, they "did not know Him." To the mass of the people, 
			to their governors, their priests, and the most of their prophets, 
			Jehovah was but the characteristic Semitic deity-patron of His 
			people, and caring for them alone-who had helped them in the past, 
			and was bound to help them still-very jealous as to the correctness 
			of His ritual and the amount of His sacrifices, but indifferent 
			about real morality. Nay, there were still darker streaks in their 
			views of Him. A god, figured as an ox, could not be adored by a 
			cattle-breeding people without starting in their minds thoughts too 
			much akin to the foul tempers of the Canaanite faiths. These things 
			it is almost a shame to mention; but without knowing that they 
			fermented in the life of that generation, we shall not appreciate 
			the vehemence of Amos or of Moses. 
			 
			Such a religion had no discipline for the busy, mercenary life of 
			the day. Injustice and fraud were rife in the very precincts of the 
			sanctuary. Magistrates and priests alike were smitten with their 
			generation’s love of money, and did everything for reward. Again and 
			again do the prophets speak of bribery. Judges took gifts and 
			perverted the cause of the poor; priests drank the mulcted wine, and 
			slept on the pledged garments of religious offenders. There was no 
			disinterested service of God or of the common weal. Mammon was 
			supreme. The influence of the commercial character of the age 
			appears in another very remarkable result. An agricultural community 
			is always sensitive to the religion of nature. They are awed by its 
			chastisements- droughts, famines, and earthquakes. They feel its 
			majestic order in the course of the seasons, the procession of day 
			and night, the march of the great stars, all the host of the Lord of 
			hosts. But Amos seems to have had to break into passionate reminders 
			of Him that maketh Orion and the Pleiades, and turneth the murk into 
			morning. Several physical calamities visited the land. The locusts 
			are bad in Palestine every sixth or seventh year: one year before 
			Amos began they had been very bad. There was a monstrous drought, 
			followed by a famine. There was a long-remembered earthquake-"the 
			earthquake in the days of Uzziah." With Egypt so near, the home of 
			the plague, and with so much war afoot in Northern Syria, there were 
			probably more pestilences in Western Asia than those recorded in 
			803, 765, and 759. There was a total eclipse of the sun in 763. But 
			of all these, except perhaps the pestilence, a commercial people are 
			independent as an agricultural are not. Israel speedily recovered 
			from them, without any moral improvement. Even when the earthquake 
			came "they said in pride and stout ness of heart, the bricks are 
			fallen down, but we will build with hewn stones; the sycamores are 
			cut down, but we will change to cedars." {Isa 9:10} It was a 
			marvelous generation-so Joyous, so energetic, so patriotic, so 
			devout. But its strength was the strength of cruel wealth, its peace 
			the peace of an immoral religion. 
			 
			I have said that the age is very modern, and we shall indeed go to 
			its prophets feeling that they speak to conditions of life extremely 
			like our own. But if we wish a still closer analogy from our 
			history, we must travel back to the fourteenth century in England-Langland’s 
			and Wyclif’s century, which, like this one in Israel, saw both the 
			first real attempts to yards a national literature, and the first 
			real attempts towards a moral and religious reform. Then as in 
			Israel a long and victorious reign was drawing to a close, under the 
			threat of disaster when it should have passed. Then as in Israel 
			there had been droughts, earthquakes, and pestilences with no moral 
			results upon the nation. Then also there was a city life developing 
			at the expense of country life. Then also the wealthy began to draw 
			aloof from the people. Then also there was a national religion, 
			zealously cultivated and endowed by the liberality of the people, 
			but superstitious, mercenary, and corrupted by sexual disorder. Then 
			too there were many pilgrimages to popular shrines, and the land was 
			strewn with mendicant priests and hireling preachers. And then too 
			prophecy raised its voice, for the first time fearless in England. 
			As we study the verses of Amos we shall find again and again the 
			most exact parallels to them in the verses of Langland’s "Vision of 
			Piers the Plowman," which denounce the same vices in Church and 
			State, and enforce the same principles of religion and morality. 
			 
			It was when the reign of Jeroboam was at its height of assured 
			victory, when the nation’s prosperity seemed impregnable after the 
			survival of those physical calamities, when the worship and the 
			commerce were in full course throughout the land, that the first of 
			the new prophets broke out against Israel in the name of Jehovah, 
			threatening judgment alike upon the new civilization of which they 
			were so proud and the old religion in which they were so confident. 
			These prophets were inspired by feelings of the purest morality, by 
			the passionate conviction that God could no longer bear such 
			impurity and disorder. But, as we have seen, no prophet in Israel 
			ever worked on the basis of principles only. He came always in 
			alliance with events. These first appeared in the shape of the great 
			physical disasters. But a more powerful instrument of Providence, in 
			the service of judgment, was appearing on the horizon. This was the 
			Assyrian Empire. So vast was its influence on prophecy that we must 
			devote to it a separate chapter. 
  
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