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			 THE LAST KINGS OF JUDAH 
			2 Chronicles 34-36 
			WHATEVER influence Manasseh’s reformation exercised over his 
			people generally, the taint of idolatry was not removed from his own 
			family. His son Amon succeeded him at the age of two-and-twenty. 
			Into his reign of two years he compressed all the varieties of 
			wickedness once practiced by his father, and undid the good work of 
			Manasseh’s later years. He recovered the graven images which 
			Manasseh had discarded, replaced them in their shrines, and 
			worshipped them instead of Jehovah. But in his case there was no 
			repentance, and he was cut off in his youth. 
			 
			In the absence of any conclusive evidence as to the date of 
			Manasseh’s reformation, we cannot determine with certainty whether 
			Amon received his early training before or after his father returned 
			to the worship of Jehovah. In either case Manasseh’s earlier history 
			would make it difficult for him to counteract any evil influence 
			that drew Amon towards idolatry. Amon could set the example and 
			perhaps the teaching of his father’s former days against any later 
			exhortations to righteousness. When a father has helped to lead his 
			children astray, he cannot be sure that he will carry them with him 
			in his repentance. 
			 
			After Amon’s assassination the people placed his son Josiah on the 
			throne. Like Joash and Manasseh, Josiah was a child, only eight 
			years old. The chronicler follows the general line of the history in 
			the book of Kings, modifying, abridging, and expanding, but 
			introducing no new incidents; the reformation, the repairing of the 
			Temple, the discovery of the book of the Law, the Passover, Josiah’s 
			defeat and death at Megiddo, are narrated by both historians. We 
			have only to notice differences in a somewhat similar treatment of 
			the same subject. 
			 
			Beyond the general statement that Josiah "did that which was right 
			in the eyes of Jehovah" we hear nothing about him in the book of 
			Kings till the eighteenth year of his reign, and his reformation and 
			putting away of idolatry are placed in that year. The chronicler’s 
			authorities corrected the statement that the pious king tolerated 
			idolatry for eighteen years. They record bow in the eighth year of 
			his reign, when he was sixteen, he began to seek after the God of 
			David; and in his twelfth year he set about the work of utterly 
			destroying idols throughout the whole territory of Israel, in the 
			cities and ruins of Manasseh, Ephraim, and Simeon, even unto 
			Naphtali, as well as in Judah and Benjamin. Seeing that the cities 
			assigned to Simeon were in the south of Judah, it is a little 
			difficult to understand why they appear with the northern tribes, 
			unless they are reckoned with them technically to make up the 
			ancient number. 
			 
			The consequence of this change of date is that in Chronicles the 
			reformation precedes the discovery of the book of the Law, whereas 
			in the older history this discovery is the cause of the reformation. 
			The chronicler’s account of the idols and other apparatus of false 
			worship destroyed by Josiah is much less detailed than that of the 
			book of Kings. To have reproduced the earlier narrative in full 
			would have raised serious difficulties. According to the chronicler, 
			Manasseh had purged Jerusalem of idols and idol altars; and Amon 
			alone was responsible for any that existed there at the accession of 
			Josiah: but in the book of Kings Josiah found in Jerusalem the 
			altars erected by the kings of Judah and the horses they had given 
			to the sun. Manasseh’s altars still stood in the courts of the 
			Temple; and over against Jerusalem there still-remained the high 
			places that Solomon had built for Ashtoreth, Chemosh, and Milcom. As 
			the chronicler in describing Solomon’s reign carefully omitted all 
			mention of his sins, so he omits this reference to his idolatry. 
			Moreover, if he had inserted it, he would have had to explain how 
			these high places escaped the zeal of the many pious kings who did 
			away with the high places. Similarly, having omitted the account of 
			the man of God who prophesied the ruin of Jeroboam’s sanctuary at 
			Bethel, he here omits the fulfillment of that prophecy. 
			 
			The account of the repairing of the Temple is enlarged by the 
			insertion of various details as to the names, functions, and zeal of 
			the Levites, amongst whom those who had skill in instruments of 
			music seem to have had the oversight of the workmen. We are reminded 
			of the walls of Thebes, which rose out of the ground while Orpheus 
			played upon his flute. Similarly in the account of the assembly 
			called to hear the contents of the book of the Law the Levites are 
			substituted for the prophets. This book of the Law is said in 
			Chronicles to have been given by Moses, but his name is not 
			connected with the book in the parallel narrative in the book of 
			Kings. 
			 
			The earlier authority simply states that Josiah held a great 
			passover; Chronicles, as usual, describes the festival in detail. 
			First of all, the king commanded the priests and Levites to purify 
			themselves and take their places in due order, so that they might be 
			ready to perform their sacred duties. The narrative is very obscure, 
			but it seems that either during the apostasy of Amon or on account 
			of the recent Temple repairs the Ark had been removed from the Holy 
			of holies. The Law had specially assigned to the Levites the duty of 
			carrying the Tabernacle and its furniture, and they seem to have 
			thought that they were only bound to exercise the function of 
			carrying the Ark; they perhaps proposed to bear it in solemn 
			procession round the city as part of the celebration of the 
			Passover, forgetting the words of David that the Levites should no 
			more carry the Tabernacle and its vessels. They would have been glad 
			to substitute this conspicuous and honorable service for the 
			laborious and menial work of flaying the victims. Josiah, however, 
			commanded them to put the Ark into the Temple and attend to their 
			other duties. 
			 
			Next, the king and his nobles provided beasts of various kinds for 
			the sacrifices and the Passover meal. Josiah’s gifts were even more 
			munificent than those of Hezekiah. The latter had given a thousand 
			bullocks and ten thousand sheep; Josiah gave just three times as 
			many. Moreover, at Hezekiah’s passover no offerings of the princes 
			are mentioned, but now they added their gifts to those of the king. 
			The heads of the priesthood provided three hundred Oxen and two 
			thousand six hundred small cattle for the priests, and the chiefs of 
			the Levites five hundred oxen and five thousand small cattle for the 
			Levites. But numerous as were the victims at Josiah’s passover, they 
			still fell far short of the great sacrifice of twenty-two thousand 
			oxen and a hundred and twenty thousand sheep which Solomon offered 
			at the dedication of the Temple. 
			 
			Then began the actual work of the sacrifices: the victims were 
			killed and flayed, and their blood was sprinkled on the altar; the 
			burnt-offerings were distributed among the people; the Passover 
			lambs were roasted, and the other offerings boiled, and the Levites 
			"carried them quickly to all the children of the people." Apparently 
			private individuals could not find the means of cooking the 
			bountiful provision made for them; and, to meet the necessity of the 
			case, the Temple courts were made kitchen as well as slaughterhouse 
			for the assembled worshippers. The other offerings would not be 
			eaten with the Passover lamb, but would serve for the remaining days 
			of the feast. 
			 
			The Levites not only provided for the people, for themselves, and 
			the priests, but the Levites who ministered in the matter of the 
			sacrifices also prepared for their brethren who were singers and 
			porters, so that the latter were enabled to attend undisturbed to 
			their own special duties; all the members of the guild of porters 
			were at the gates maintaining order among the crowd of worshippers; 
			and the full strength of the orchestra and choir contributed to the 
			beauty and solemnity of the services. It was the greatest Passover 
			held by any Israelite king. 
			 
			Josiah’s passover, like that of Hezekiah, was followed by a 
			formidable foreign invasion; but whereas Hezekiah was rewarded for 
			renewed loyalty by a triumphant deliverance, Josiah was defeated and 
			slain. These facts subject the chronicler’s theory of retribution to 
			a severe strain. His perplexity finds pathetic expression in the 
			opening words of the new section, "After all this," after all the 
			idols had been put away, after the celebration of the most 
			magnificent Passover the monarchy had ever seen. After all this, 
			when we looked for the promised rewards of piety-for fertile 
			seasons, peace and prosperity at home, victory and dominion abroad, 
			tribute from subject peoples, and wealth from successful commerce - 
			after all this, the rout of the armies of Jehovah at Megiddo, the 
			flight and death of the wounded king, the lamentation over Josiah, 
			the exaltation of a nominee of Pharaoh to the throne, and the 
			payment of tribute to the Egyptian king. The chronicler has no 
			complete explanation of this painful mystery, but he does what he 
			can to meet the difficulties of the case. Like the great prophets in 
			similar instances, he regards the heathen king as charged with a 
			Divine commission. Pharaoh’s appeal to Josiah to remain neutral 
			should have been received by the Jewish king as an authoritative 
			message from Jehovah. It was the failure to discern in a heathen 
			king the mouthpiece and prophet of Jehovah that cost Josiah his life 
			and Judah its liberty. 
			 
			The chronicler had no motive for lingering over the last sad days of 
			the monarchy; the rest of his narrative is almost entirely abridged 
			from the book of Kings. Jehoahaz, Jehoiakim, Jehoiachin, and 
			Zedekiah pass over the scene in rapid and melancholy succession. In 
			the case of Jehoahaz, who only reigned three months, the chronicler 
			omits the unfavorable judgment recorded in the book of Kings; but he 
			repeats it for the other three, even for the poor lad of eight who 
			was carried away captive after a reign of three months and ten days. 
			The chronicler had not learnt that kings can do no wrong; on the 
			other hand, the ungodly policy of Jehoiachin’s ministers is labeled 
			with the name of the boy-sovereign. 
			 
			Each of these kings in turn was deposed and carried away into 
			captivity, unless indeed Jehoiakim is an exception. In the book of 
			Kings we are told that he slept with his fathers, i.e., that he died 
			and was buried in the royal tombs at Jerusalem, a statement which 
			the LXX inserts here also, specifying, however, that he was buried 
			in the garden of Uzza. If the pious Josiah were punished for a 
			single error by defeat and death, why was the wicked Jehoiakim 
			allowed to reign till the end of his life and then die in his bed? 
			The chronicler’s information differed from that of the earlier 
			narrative in a way that removed, or at any rate suppressed the 
			difficulty. He omits the statement that Jehoiakim slept with his 
			fathers, and tells us that Nebuchadnezzar bound him in fetters to 
			carry him to Babylon. Casual readers would naturally suppose that 
			this purpose was carried out, and that the Divine justice was 
			satisfied by Jehoiakim’s death in captivity; and yet if they 
			compared this passage with that in the book of Kings, it might occur 
			to them that after the king had been put in chains something might 
			have led Nebuchadnezzar to change his mind, or, like Manasseh, 
			Jehoiakim might have repented and been allowed to return. But it is 
			very doubtful whether the chronicler’s authorities contemplated the 
			possibility of such an interpretation; it is scarcely fair to credit 
			them with all the subtle devices of modern commentators. 
			 
			The real conclusion of the chronicler’s history of the kings of the 
			house of David is a summary of the sins of the last days of the 
			monarchy and of the history of its final ruin in 2Ch 36:14-20. All 
			the chief of the priests and of the people were given over to the 
			abominations of idolatry; and in spite of constant and urgent 
			admonitions from the prophets of Jehovah, they hardened their 
			hearts, and mocked the messengers of God, and despised His words, 
			and misused His prophets, until the wrath of Jehovah arose against 
			His people, and there was no healing. 
			 
			However, to this peroration a note is added that the length of the 
			Captivity was fixed at seventy years, in order that the land might 
			"enjoy her sabbaths." This note rests upon Lev 25:1-7, according to 
			which the land was to be left fallow every seventh year. The seventy 
			years’ captivity would compensate for seventy periods of six years 
			each during which no sabbatical years had been observed. Thus the 
			Captivity, with the four hundred and twenty previous years of 
			neglect, would be equivalent to seventy sabbatical periods. There is 
			no economy in keeping back what is due to God. 
			 
			Moreover, the editor who separated Chronicles from the book of Ezra 
			and Nehemiah was loath to allow the first part of the history to end 
			in a gloomy record of sin and ruin. Modern Jews, in reading the last 
			chapter of Isaiah, rather than conclude with the ill-omened words of 
			the last two verses, repeat a previous portion of the chapter. So 
			here to the history of the ruin of Jerusalem the editor has appended 
			two verses from the opening of the book of Ezra, which contain the 
			decree of Cyrus authorizing the return from the Captivity. And thus 
			Chronicles concludes in the middle of a sentence which is completed 
			in the book of Ezra: "Who is there among you of all his people? 
			Jehovah his God be with him, and let him go up." {2Ch 36:23} 
			 
			Such a conclusion suggests two considerations which will form a 
			fitting close to our exposition. Chronicles is not a finished work; 
			it has no formal end; it rather breaks off abruptly like an 
			interrupted diary. In like manner the book of Kings concludes with a 
			note as to the treatment of the captive Jehoiachin at Babylon: the 
			last verse runs, "And for his allowance there was a continual 
			allowance given him of the king, every day a portion, all the days 
			of his life." The book of Nehemiah has a short final prayer: 
			"Remember me, O my God, for good"; but the preceding paragraph is 
			simply occupied, with the arrangements for the wood offering and the 
			firstfruits. So in the New Testament the history of the Church 
			breaks off with the statement that St. Paul abode two whole years in 
			his own hired house, preaching the kingdom of God. The sacred 
			writers recognize the continuity of God’s dealings with His people; 
			they do not suggest that one period can be marked off by a clear 
			dividing line or interval from another. Each historian leaves, as it 
			were, the loose ends of his work ready to be taken up and continued 
			by his successors. The Holy Spirit seeks to stimulate the Church to 
			a forward outlook, that it may expect and work for a future wherein 
			the power and grace of God will be no less manifest than in the 
			past. Moreover, the final editor of Chronicles has shown himself 
			unwilling that the book should conclude with a gloomy record of sin 
			and ruin, and has appended a few lines to remind his readers of the 
			new life of faith and hope that lay beyond the Captivity. In so 
			doing, he has echoed the key-note of prophecy: ever beyond man’s 
			transgression and punishment the prophets saw the vision of his 
			forgiveness and restoration to God. 
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